EDISON
HIS LIFE AND INVENTIONS
BY
FRANK LEWIS DYER
GENERAL COUNSEL FOR THE EDISON LABORATORY
AND ALLIED INTERESTS
AND
THOMAS COMMERFORD MARTIN
EX-PRESIDENT OF THE AMERICAN INSTITUTE
OF ELECTRICAL ENGINEERS
CONTENTS
INTRODUCTION
I. THE AGE OF ELECTRICITY
II. EDISON'S PEDIGREE
III. BOYHOOD AT PORT HURON, MICHIGAN
IV. THE YOUNG TELEGRAPH OPERATOR
V. ARDUOUS YEARS IN THE CENTRAL WEST
VI. WORK AND INVENTION IN BOSTON
VII. THE STOCK TICKER
VIII. AUTOMATIC, DUPLEX, AND QUADRUPLEX TELEGRAPHY
IX. THE TELEPHONE, MOTOGRAPH, AND MICROPHONE
X. THE PHONOGRAPH
XI. THE INVENTION OF THE INCANDESCENT LAMP
XII. MEMORIES OF MENLO PARK
XIII. A WORLD-HUNT FOR FILAMENT MATERIAL
XIV. INVENTING A COMPLETE SYSTEM OF LIGHTING
XV. INTRODUCTION OF THE EDISON ELECTRIC LIGHT
XVI. THE FIRST EDISON CENTRAL STATION
XVII. OTHER EARLY STATIONS--THE METER
XVIII. THE ELECTRIC RAILWAY
XIX. MAGNETIC ORE MILLING WORK
XX. EDISON PORTLAND CEMENT
XXI. MOTION PICTURES
XXII. THE DEVELOPMENT OF THE EDISON STORAGE BATTERY
XXIII. MISCELLANEOUS INVENTIONS
XXIV. EDISON'S METHOD IN INVENTING
XXV. THE LABORATORY AT ORANGE AND THE STAFF
XXVI. EDISON IN COMMERCE AND MANUFACTURE
XXVII. THE VALUE OF EDISON'S INVENTIONS TO THE WORLD
XXVIII. THE BLACK FLAG
XXIX. THE SOCIAL SIDE OF EDISON
APPENDIX
LIST OF UNITED STATES PATENTS
FOREIGN PATENTS
INDEX
INTRODUCTION
PRIOR to this, no complete, authentic, and authorized
record of the work of Mr. Edison, during an active life,
has been given to the world. That life, if there is anything
in heredity, is very far from finished; and while it continues
there will be new achievement.
An insistently expressed desire on the part of the
public for a definitive biography of Edison was the
reason for the following pages. The present authors
deem themselves happy in the confidence reposed in
them, and in the constant assistance they have enjoyed
from Mr. Edison while preparing these pages,
a great many of which are altogether his own. This
co-operation in no sense relieves the authors of
responsibility as to any of the views or statements of
their own that the book contains. They have realized
the extreme reluctance of Mr. Edison to be made the
subject of any biography at all; while he has felt that,
if it must be written, it were best done by the hands
of friends and associates of long standing, whose judgment
and discretion he could trust, and whose intimate
knowledge of the facts would save him from
misrepresentation.
The authors of the book are profoundly conscious
of the fact that the extraordinary period of electrical
development embraced in it has been prolific of great
men. They have named some of them; but there
has been no idea of setting forth various achievements
or of ascribing distinctive merits. This treatment
is devoted to one man whom his fellow-citizens
have chosen to regard as in many ways representative
of the American at his finest flowering in
the field of invention during the nineteenth century.
It is designed in these pages to bring the reader face
to face with Edison; to glance at an interesting childhood
and a youthful period marked by a capacity for
doing things, and by an insatiable thirst for knowledge;
then to accompany him into the great creative
stretch of forty years, during which he has done so
much. This book shows him plunged deeply into
work for which he has always had an incredible
capacity, reveals the exercise of his unsurpassed
inventive ability, his keen reasoning powers, his
tenacious memory, his fertility of resource; follows
him through a series of innumerable experiments,
conducted methodically, reaching out like rays of
search-light into all the regions of science and nature,
and finally exhibits him emerging triumphantly from
countless difficulties bearing with him in new arts
the fruits of victorious struggle.
These volumes aim to be a biography rather than
a history of electricity, but they have had to cover so
much general ground in defining the relations and
contributions of Edison to the electrical arts, that they
serve to present a picture of the whole development
effected in the last fifty years, the most fruitful that
electricity has known. The effort has been made to
avoid technique and abstruse phrases, but some
degree of explanation has been absolutely necessary
in regard to each group of inventions. The task of
the authors has consisted largely in summarizing
fairly the methods and processes employed by Edison;
and some idea of the difficulties encountered by
them in so doing may be realized from the fact that
one brief chapter, for example,--that on ore milling--
covers nine years of most intense application and
activity on the part of the inventor. It is something
like exhibiting the geological eras of the earth in an
outline lantern slide, to reduce an elaborate series
of strenuous experiments and a vast variety of
ingenious apparatus to the space of a few hundred
words.
A great deal of this narrative is given in Mr. Edison's
own language, from oral or written statements
made in reply to questions addressed to him with
the object of securing accuracy. A further large part
is based upon the personal contributions of many
loyal associates; and it is desired here to make grateful
acknowledgment to such collaborators as Messrs.
Samuel Insull, E. H. Johnson, F. R. Upton, R. N
Dyer, S. B. Eaton, Francis Jehl, W. S. Andrews, W.
J. Jenks, W. J. Hammer, F. J. Sprague, W. S. Mallory,
an, C. L. Clarke, and others, without whose aid
the issuance of this book would indeed have been
impossible. In particular, it is desired to acknowledge
indebtedness to Mr. W. H. Meadowcroft not only for
substantial aid in the literary part of the work, but
for indefatigable effort to group, classify, and summarize
the boundless material embodied in Edison's
note-books and memorabilia of all kinds now kept
at the Orange laboratory. Acknowledgment must
also be made of the courtesy and assistance of Mrs.
Edison, and especially of the loan of many interesting
and rare photographs from her private collection.
EDISON
HIS LIFE AND INVENTIONS
CHAPTER I
THE AGE OF ELECTRICITY
THE year 1847 marked a period of great territorial
acquisition by the American people, with incalculable
additions to their actual and potential wealth.
By the rational compromise with England in the dispute
over the Oregon region, President Polk had secured
during 1846, for undisturbed settlement, three
hundred thousand square miles of forest, fertile land,
and fisheries, including the whole fair Columbia Valley.
Our active "policy of the Pacific" dated from
that hour. With swift and clinching succession came
the melodramatic Mexican War, and February, 1848,
saw another vast territory south of Oregon and west
of the Rocky Mountains added by treaty to the United
States. Thus in about eighteen months there had
been pieced into the national domain for quick development
and exploitation a region as large as the
entire Union of Thirteen States at the close of the War
of Independence. Moreover, within its boundaries
was embraced all the great American gold-field, just
on the eve of discovery, for Marshall had detected the
shining particles in the mill-race at the foot of the
Sierra Nevada nine days before Mexico signed away
her rights in California and in all the vague, remote
hinterland facing Cathayward.
Equally momentous were the times in Europe, where
the attempt to secure opportunities of expansion as
well as larger liberty for the individual took quite
different form. The old absolutist system of government
was fast breaking up, and ancient thrones were
tottering. The red lava of deep revolutionary fires
oozed up through many glowing cracks in the political
crust, and all the social strata were shaken. That the
wild outbursts of insurrection midway in the fifth
decade failed and died away was not surprising, for
the superincumbent deposits of tradition and convention
were thick. But the retrospect indicates that
many reforms and political changes were accomplished,
although the process involved the exile of not a few
ardent spirits to America, to become leading statesmen,
inventors, journalists, and financiers. In 1847,
too, Russia began her tremendous march eastward into
Central Asia, just as France was solidifying her first
gains on the littoral of northern Africa. In England
the fierce fervor of the Chartist movement, with its
violent rhetoric as to the rights of man, was sobering
down and passing pervasively into numerous practical
schemes for social and political amelioration, constituting
in their entirety a most profound change
throughout every part of the national life.
Into such times Thomas Alva Edison was born, and
his relations to them and to the events of the past
sixty years are the subject of this narrative. Aside
from the personal interest that attaches to the picturesque
career, so typically American, there is a broader
aspect in which the work of the "Franklin of the
Nineteenth Century" touches the welfare and progress
of the race. It is difficult at any time to determine
the effect of any single invention, and the investigation
becomes more difficult where inventions of the
first class have been crowded upon each other in rapid
and bewildering succession. But it will be admitted
that in Edison one deals with a central figure of the
great age that saw the invention and introduction in
practical form of the telegraph, the submarine cable,
the telephone, the electric light, the electric railway,
the electric trolley-car, the storage battery, the electric
motor, the phonograph, the wireless telegraph; and
that the influence of these on the world's affairs has
not been excelled at any time by that of any other
corresponding advances in the arts and sciences.
These pages deal with Edison's share in the great
work of the last half century in abridging distance,
communicating intelligence, lessening toil, improving
illumination, recording forever the human voice; and
on behalf of inventive genius it may be urged that its
beneficent results and gifts to mankind compare with
any to be credited to statesman, warrior, or creative
writer of the same period.
Viewed from the standpoint of inventive progress,
the first half of the nineteenth century had passed
very profitably when Edison appeared--every year
marked by some notable achievement in the arts and
sciences, with promise of its early and abundant fruition
in commerce and industry. There had been
exactly four decades of steam navigation on American
waters. Railways were growing at the rate of
nearly one thousand miles annually. Gas had become
familiar as a means of illumination in large cities.
Looms and tools and printing-presses were everywhere
being liberated from the slow toil of man-power.
The first photographs had been taken. Chloroform,
nitrous oxide gas, and ether had been placed at the
service of the physician in saving life, and the revolver,
guncotton, and nitroglycerine added to the agencies
for slaughter. New metals, chemicals, and elements
had become available in large numbers, gases had
been liquefied and solidified, and the range of useful
heat and cold indefinitely extended. The safety-lamp
had been given to the miner, the caisson to the bridge-
builder, the anti-friction metal to the mechanic for
bearings. It was already known how to vulcanize
rubber, and how to galvanize iron. The application of
machinery in the harvest-field had begun with the
embryonic reaper, while both the bicycle and the
automobile were heralded in primitive prototypes. The
gigantic expansion of the iron and steel industry was
foreshadowed in the change from wood to coal in the
smelting furnaces. The sewing-machine had brought
with it, like the friction match, one of the most profound
influences in modifying domestic life, and making
it different from that of all preceding time.
Even in 1847 few of these things had lost their
novelty, most of them were in the earlier stages of
development. But it is when we turn to electricity
that the rich virgin condition of an illimitable new
kingdom of discovery is seen. Perhaps the word
"utilization" or "application" is better than discovery,
for then, as now, an endless wealth of phenomena
noted by experimenters from Gilbert to
Franklin and Faraday awaited the invention that
could alone render them useful to mankind. The
eighteenth century, keenly curious and ceaselessly active
in this fascinating field of investigation, had not,
after all, left much of a legacy in either principles or
appliances. The lodestone and the compass; the
frictional machine; the Leyden jar; the nature of conductors
and insulators; the identity of electricity and
the thunder-storm flash; the use of lightning-rods;
the physiological effects of an electrical shock--these
constituted the bulk of the bequest to which philosophers
were the only heirs. Pregnant with possibilities
were many of the observations that had been
recorded. But these few appliances made up the
meagre kit of tools with which the nineteenth century
entered upon its task of acquiring the arts and conveniences
now such an intimate part of "human nature's
daily food" that the average American to-day
pays more for his electrical service than he does for
bread.
With the first year of the new century came Volta's
invention of the chemical battery as a means of producing
electricity. A well-known Italian picture represents
Volta exhibiting his apparatus before the
young conqueror Napoleon, then ravishing from the
Peninsula its treasure of ancient art and founding an
ephemeral empire. At such a moment this gift of de-
spoiled Italy to the world was a noble revenge, setting
in motion incalculable beneficent forces and agencies.
For the first time man had command of a steady supply
of electricity without toil or effort. The useful
results obtainable previously from the current of a
frictional machine were not much greater than those
to be derived from the flight of a rocket. While the
frictional appliance is still employed in medicine, it
ranks with the flint axe and the tinder-box in industrial
obsolescence. No art or trade could be founded
on it; no diminution of daily work or increase of daily
comfort could be secured with it. But the little battery
with its metal plates in a weak solution proved
a perennial reservoir of electrical energy, safe and
controllable, from which supplies could be drawn at will.
That which was wild had become domesticated; regular
crops took the place of haphazard gleanings from
brake or prairie; the possibility of electrical starvation
was forever left behind.
Immediately new processes of inestimable value
revealed themselves; new methods were suggested.
Almost all the electrical arts now employed made
their beginnings in the next twenty-five years, and
while the more extensive of them depend to-day on
the dynamo for electrical energy, some of the most
important still remain in loyal allegiance to the older
source. The battery itself soon underwent modifications,
and new types were evolved--the storage,
the double-fluid, and the dry. Various analogies
next pointed to the use of heat, and the thermoelectric
cell emerged, embodying the application of
flame to the junction of two different metals. Davy,
of the safety-lamp, threw a volume of current across
the gap between two sticks of charcoal, and the voltaic
arc, forerunner of electric lighting, shed its bright
beams upon a dazzled world. The decomposition of
water by electrolytic action was recognized and made
the basis of communicating at a distance even
before the days of the electromagnet. The ties
that bind electricity and magnetism in twinship of
relation and interaction were detected, and Faraday's
work in induction gave the world at once the
dynamo and the motor. "Hitch your wagon to a
star," said Emerson. To all the coal-fields and all
the waterfalls Faraday had directly hitched the wheels
of industry. Not only was it now possible to convert
mechanical energy into electricity cheaply and in
illimitable quantities, but electricity at once showed
its ubiquitous availability as a motive power. Boats
were propelled by it, cars were hauled, and even papers
printed. Electroplating became an art, and telegraphy
sprang into active being on both sides of the
Atlantic.
At the time Edison was born, in 1847, telegraphy,
upon which he was to leave so indelible an imprint,
had barely struggled into acceptance by the public.
In England, Wheatstone and Cooke had introduced a
ponderous magnetic needle telegraph. In America, in
1840, Morse had taken out his first patent on an electromagnetic
telegraph, the principle of which is dominating
in the art to this day. Four years later the
memorable message "What hath God wrought!" was
sent by young Miss Ellsworth over his circuits, and
incredulous Washington was advised by wire of the
action of the Democratic Convention in Baltimore in
nominating Polk. By 1847 circuits had been strung
between Washington and New York, under private
enterprise, the Government having declined to buy
the Morse system for $100,000. Everything was crude
and primitive. The poles were two hundred feet apart
and could barely hold up a wash-line. The slim, bare,
copper wire snapped on the least provocation, and the
circuit was "down" for thirty-six days in the first six
months. The little glass-knob insulators made seductive
targets for ignorant sportsmen. Attempts to insulate
the line wire were limited to coating it with tar
or smearing it with wax for the benefit of all the bees
in the neighborhood. The farthest western reach of
the telegraph lines in 1847 was Pittsburg, with three-
ply iron wire mounted on square glass insulators with
a little wooden pentroof for protection. In that office,
where Andrew Carnegie was a messenger boy, the
magnets in use to receive the signals sent with the aid
of powerful nitric-acid batteries weighed as much as
seventy-five pounds apiece. But the business was
fortunately small at the outset, until the new device,
patronized chiefly by lottery-men, had proved its
utility. Then came the great outburst of activity.
Within a score of years telegraph wires covered the
whole occupied country with a network, and the first
great electrical industry was a pronounced success,
yielding to its pioneers the first great harvest of
electrical fortunes. It had been a sharp struggle for bare
existence, during which such a man as the founder of
Cornell University had been glad to get breakfast in
New York with a quarter-dollar picked up on Broadway.
CHAPTER II
EDISON'S PEDIGREE
THOMAS ALVA EDISON was born at Milan
Ohio, February 11, 1847. The State that rivals
Virginia as a "Mother of Presidents" has evidently
other titles to distinction of the same nature. For
picturesque detail it would not be easy to find any
story excelling that of the Edison family before it
reached the Western Reserve. The story epitomizes
American idealism, restlessness, freedom of individual
opinion, and ready adjustment to the surrounding
conditions of pioneer life. The ancestral Edisons
who came over from Holland, as nearly as can be
determined, in 1730, were descendants of extensive
millers on the Zuyder Zee, and took up patents
of land along the Passaic River, New Jersey,
close to the home that Mr. Edison established in
the Orange Mountains a hundred and sixty years
later. They landed at Elizabethport, New Jersey,
and first settled near Caldwell in that State, where
some graves of the family may still be found. President
Cleveland was born in that quiet hamlet. It is
a curious fact that in the Edison family the
pronunciation of the name has always been with the
long "e" sound, as it would naturally be in the
Dutch language. The family prospered and must
have enjoyed public confidence, for we find the name
of Thomas Edison, as a bank official on Manhattan
Island, signed to Continental currency in 1778.
According to the family records this Edison, great-
grandfather of Thomas Alva, reached the extreme
old age of 104 years. But all was not well, and, as
has happened so often before, the politics of father
and son were violently different. The Loyalist movement
that took to Nova Scotia so many Americans
after the War of Independence carried with it John,
the son of this stalwart Continental. Thus it came
about that Samuel Edison, son of John, was born at
Digby, Nova Scotia, in 1804. Seven years later John
Edison who, as a Loyalist or United Empire emigrant,
had become entitled under the laws of Canada to a
grant of six hundred acres of land, moved westward
to take possession of this property. He made his
way through the State of New York in wagons drawn
by oxen to the remote and primitive township of
Bayfield, in Upper Canada, on Lake Huron. Although
the journey occurred in balmy June, it was necessarily
attended with difficulty and privation; but the new
home was situated in good farming country, and once
again this interesting nomadic family settled down.
John Edison moved from Bayfield to Vienna, Ontario,
on the northern bank of Lake Erie. Mr. Edison
supplies an interesting reminiscence of the old man
and his environment in those early Canadian days.
"When I was five years old I was taken by my father
and mother on a visit to Vienna. We were driven
by carriage from Milan, Ohio, to a railroad, then to a
port on Lake Erie, thence by a canal-boat in a tow
of several to Port Burwell, in Canada, across the lake,
and from there we drove to Vienna, a short distance
away. I remember my grandfather perfectly as he
appeared, at 102 years of age, when he died. In the
middle of the day he sat under a large tree in front
of the house facing a well-travelled road. His head
was covered completely with a large quantity of very
white hair, and he chewed tobacco incessantly, nodding
to friends as they passed by. He used a very
large cane, and walked from the chair to the house,
resenting any assistance. I viewed him from a distance,
and could never get very close to him. I remember
some large pipes, and especially a molasses
jug, a trunk, and several other things that came from
Holland."
John Edison was long-lived, like his father, and
reached the ripe old age of 102, leaving his son
Samuel charged with the care of the family destinies,
but with no great burden of wealth. Little is known
of the early manhood of this father of T. A. Edison
until we find him keeping a hotel at Vienna, marrying
a school-teacher there (Miss Nancy Elliott, in 1828),
and taking a lively share in the troublous politics of
the time. He was six feet in height, of great bodily
vigor, and of such personal dominance of character
that he became a captain of the insurgent forces
rallying under the banners of Papineau and Mackenzie.
The opening years of Queen Victoria's reign
witnessed a belated effort in Canada to emphasize
the principle that there should not be taxation without
representation; and this descendant of those
who had left the United States from disapproval of
such a doctrine, flung himself headlong into its
support.
It has been said of Earl Durham, who pacified
Canada at this time and established the present system
of government, that he made a country and marred
a career. But the immediate measures of repression
enforced before a liberal policy was adopted were
sharp and severe, and Samuel Edison also found his
own career marred on Canadian soil as one result of
the Durham administration. Exile to Bermuda with
other insurgents was not so attractive as the perils of
a flight to the United States. A very hurried
departure was effected in secret from the scene of
trouble, and there are romantic traditions of his
thrilling journey of one hundred and eighty-two
miles toward safety, made almost entirely without
food or sleep, through a wild country infested with
Indians of unfriendly disposition. Thus was the
Edison family repatriated by a picturesque political
episode, and the great inventor given a birthplace on
American soil, just as was Benjamin Franklin when
his father came from England to Boston. Samuel
Edison left behind him, however, in Canada, several
brothers, all of whom lived to the age of ninety or
more, and from whom there are descendants in the
region.
After some desultory wanderings for a year or two
along the shores of Lake Erie, among the prosperous
towns then springing up, the family, with its Canadian
home forfeited, and in quest of another resting-place,
came to Milan, Ohio, in 1842. That pretty little
village offered at the moment many attractions as a
possible Chicago. The railroad system of Ohio was
still in the future, but the Western Reserve had
already become a vast wheat-field, and huge quantities
of grain from the central and northern counties
sought shipment to Eastern ports. The Huron
River, emptying into Lake Erie, was navigable within
a few miles of the village, and provided an admirable
outlet. Large granaries were established, and proved
so successful that local capital was tempted into the
project of making a tow-path canal from Lockwood
Landing all the way to Milan itself. The quaint old
Moravian mission and quondam Indian settlement of
one hundred inhabitants found itself of a sudden
one of the great grain ports of the world, and bidding
fair to rival Russian Odessa. A number of grain
warehouses, or primitive elevators, were built along
the bank of the canal, and the produce of the region
poured in immediately, arriving in wagons drawn by
four or six horses with loads of a hundred bushels.
No fewer than six hundred wagons came clattering in,
and as many as twenty sail vessels were loaded with
thirty-five thousand bushels of grain, during a single
day. The canal was capable of being navigated by
craft of from two hundred to two hundred and fifty
tons burden, and the demand for such vessels soon
led to the development of a brisk ship-building industry,
for which the abundant forests of the region
supplied the necessary lumber. An evidence of the
activity in this direction is furnished by the fact
that six revenue cutters were launched at this port
in these brisk days of its prime.
Samuel Edison, versatile, buoyant of temper, and
ever optimistic, would thus appear to have pitched
his tent with shrewd judgment. There was plenty
of occupation ready to his hand, and more than one
enterprise received his attention; but he devoted
his energies chiefly to the making of shingles, for
which there was a large demand locally and along
the lake. Canadian lumber was used principally in
this industry. The wood was imported in "bolts"
or pieces three feet long. A bolt made two shingles;
it was sawn asunder by hand, then split and shaved.
None but first-class timber was used, and such shingles
outlasted far those made by machinery with their
cross-grain cut. A house in Milan, on which some
of those shingles were put in 1844, was still in excellent
condition forty-two years later. Samuel Edison
did well at this occupation, and employed several
men, but there were other outlets from time to time
for his business activity and speculative disposition.
Edison's mother was an attractive and highly
educated woman, whose influence upon his disposition
and intellect has been profound and lasting.
She was born in Chenango County, New York, in 1810,
and was the daughter of the Rev. John Elliott, a
Baptist minister and descendant of an old Revolutionary
soldier, Capt. Ebenezer Elliott, of Scotch
descent. The old captain was a fine and picturesque
type. He fought all through the long War of Independence
--seven years--and then appears to have
settled down at Stonington, Connecticut. There, at
any rate, he found his wife, "grandmother Elliott,"
who was Mercy Peckham, daughter of a Scotch
Quaker. Then came the residence in New York
State, with final removal to Vienna, for the old
soldier, while drawing his pension at Buffalo, lived
in the little Canadian town, and there died, over
100 years old. The family was evidently one of considerable
culture and deep religious feeling, for two
of Mrs. Edison's uncles and two brothers were also
in the same Baptist ministry. As a young woman
she became a teacher in the public high school at
Vienna, and thus met her husband, who was residing
there. The family never consisted of more than three
children, two boys and a girl. A trace of the Canadian
environment is seen in the fact that Edison's
elder brother was named William Pitt, after the
great English statesman. Both his brother and the
sister exhibited considerable ability. William Pitt
Edison as a youth was so clever with his pencil that
it was proposed to send him to Paris as an art student.
In later life he was manager of the local
street railway lines at Port Huron, Michigan, in
which he was heavily interested. He also owned a
good farm near that town, and during the ill-health
at the close of his life, when compelled to spend much
of the time indoors, he devoted himself almost entirely
to sketching. It has been noted by intimate
observers of Thomas A. Edison that in discussing
any project or new idea his first impulse is to take
up any piece of paper available and make drawings
of it. His voluminous note-books are a mass of
sketches. Mrs-Tannie Edison Bailey, the sister, had,
on the other hand, a great deal of literary ability,
and spent much of her time in writing.
The great inventor, whose iron endurance and
stern will have enabled him to wear down all his
associates by work sustained through arduous days
and sleepless nights, was not at all strong as a child,
and was of fragile appearance. He had an abnormally
large but well-shaped head, and it is said that
the local doctors feared he might have brain trouble.
In fact, on account of his assumed delicacy, he was
not allowed to go to school for some years, and even
when he did attend for a short time the results were
not encouraging--his mother being hotly indignant
upon hearing that the teacher had spoken of him to
an inspector as "addled." The youth was, indeed,
fortunate far beyond the ordinary in having a
mother at once loving, well-informed, and ambitious,
capable herself, from her experience as a teacher, of
undertaking and giving him an education better than
could be secured in the local schools of the day.
Certain it is that under this simple regime studious
habits were formed and a taste for literature developed
that have lasted to this day. If ever there was a
man who tore the heart out of books it is Edison,
and what has once been read by him is never forgotten
if useful or worthy of submission to the test
of experiment.
But even thus early the stronger love of mechanical
processes and of probing natural forces manifested
itself. Edison has said that he never saw a statement
in any book as to such things that he did
not involuntarily challenge, and wish to demonstrate
as either right or wrong. As a mere child the busy
scenes of the canal and the grain warehouses were of
consuming interest, but the work in the ship-building
yards had an irresistible fascination. His questions
were so ceaseless and innumerable that the penetrating
curiosity of an unusually strong mind was regarded
as deficiency in powers of comprehension, and
the father himself, a man of no mean ingenuity and
ability, reports that the child, although capable of
reducing him to exhaustion by endless inquiries, was
often spoken of as rather wanting in ordinary acumen.
This apparent dulness is, however, a quite common
incident to youthful genius.
The constructive tendencies of this child of whom
his father said once that he had never had any boyhood
days in the ordinary sense, were early noted in
his fondness for building little plank roads out of the
debris of the yards and mills. His extraordinarily
retentive memory was shown in his easy acquisition
of all the songs of the lumber gangs and canal men
before he was five years old. One incident tells how
he was found one day in the village square copying
laboriously the signs of the stores. A highly characteristic
event at the age of six is described by his
sister. He had noted a goose sitting on her eggs
and the result. One day soon after, he was missing.
By-and-by, after an anxious search, his father found
him sitting in a nest he had made in the barn, filled
with goose-eggs and hens' eggs he had collected, trying
to hatch them out.
One of Mr. Edison's most vivid recollections goes
back to 1850, when as a child three of four years old
he saw camped in front of his home six covered
wagons, "prairie schooners," and witnessed their
departure for California. The great excitement over
the gold discoveries was thus felt in Milan, and these
wagons, laden with all the worldly possessions of
their owners, were watched out of sight on their long
journey by this fascinated urchin, whose own discoveries
in later years were to tempt many other
argonauts into the auriferous realms of electricity.
Another vivid memory of this period concerns his
first realization of the grim mystery of death. He
went off one day with the son of the wealthiest man
in the town to bathe in the creek. Soon after they
entered the water the other boy disappeared. Young
Edison waited around the spot for half an hour or
more, and then, as it was growing dark, went home
puzzled and lonely, but silent as to the occurrence.
About two hours afterward, when the missing boy
was being searched for, a man came to the Edison
home to make anxious inquiry of the companion with
whom he had last been seen. Edison told all the
circumstances with a painful sense of being in some
way implicated. The creek was at once dragged, and
then the body was recovered.
Edison had himself more than one narrow escape.
Of course he fell in the canal and was nearly drowned;
few boys in Milan worth their salt omitted that
performance. On another occasion he encountered a
more novel peril by falling into the pile of wheat in
a grain elevator and being almost smothered. Holding
the end of a skate-strap for another lad to shorten
with an axe, he lost the top of a finger. Fire also
had its perils. He built a fire in a barn, but the
flames spread so rapidly that, although he escaped
himself, the barn was wholly destroyed, and he was
publicly whipped in the village square as a warning
to other youths. Equally well remembered is a dangerous
encounter with a ram that attacked him while
he was busily engaged digging out a bumblebee's
nest near an orchard fence. The animal knocked
him against the fence, and was about to butt him
again when he managed to drop over on the safe side
and escape. He was badly hurt and bruised, and no
small quantity of arnica was needed for his wounds.
Meantime little Milan had reached the zenith of
its prosperity, and all of a sudden had been deprived
of its flourishing grain trade by the new Columbus,
Sandusky & Hocking Railroad; in fact, the short
canal was one of the last efforts of its kind in this
country to compete with the new means of transportation.
The bell of the locomotive was everywhere
ringing the death-knell of effective water haulage,
with such dire results that, in 1880, of the 4468
miles of American freight canal, that had cost $214,000,000,
no fewer than 1893 miles had been abandoned,
and of the remaining 2575 miles quite a large
proportion was not paying expenses. The short
Milan canal suffered with the rest, and to-day lies
well-nigh obliterated, hidden in part by vegetable
gardens, a mere grass-grown depression at the foot
of the winding, shallow valley. Other railroads also
prevented any further competition by the canal, for
a branch of the Wheeling & Lake Erie now passes
through the village, while the Lake Shore & Michigan
Southern runs a few miles to the south.
The owners of the canal soon had occasion to
regret that they had disdained the overtures of
enterprising railroad promoters desirous of reaching
the village, and the consequences of commercial isolation
rapidly made themselves felt. It soon became
evident to Samuel Edison and his wife that the cozy
brick home on the bluff must be given up and the
struggle with fortune resumed elsewhere. They were
well-to-do, however, and removing, in 1854, to Port
Huron, Michigan, occupied a large colonial house
standing in the middle of an old Government fort
reservation of ten acres overlooking the wide expanse
of the St. Clair River just after it leaves Lake Huron.
It was in many ways an ideal homestead, toward
which the family has always felt the strongest attachment,
but the association with Milan has never
wholly ceased. The old house in which Edison was
born is still occupied (in 1910) by Mr. S. O. Edison,
a half-brother of Edison's father, and a man of marked
inventive ability. He was once prominent in the
iron-furnace industry of Ohio, and was for a time
associated in the iron trade with the father of the
late President McKinley. Among his inventions may
be mentioned a machine for making fuel from wheat
straw, and a smoke-consuming device.
This birthplace of Edison remains the plain, substantial
little brick house it was originally: one-
storied, with rooms finished on the attic floor. Being
built on the hillside, its basement opens into the rear
yard. It was at first heated by means of open coal
grates, which may not have been altogether adequate
in severe winters, owing to the altitude and the north-
eastern exposure, but a large furnace is one of the
more modern changes. Milan itself is not materially
unlike the smaller Ohio towns of its own time or
those of later creation, but the venerable appearance
of the big elm-trees that fringe the trim lawns tells
of its age. It is, indeed, an extremely neat, snug little
place, with well-kept homes, mostly of frame construction,
and flagged streets crossing each other at
right angles. There are no poor--at least, everybody
is apparently well-to-do. While a leisurely atmosphere
pervades the town, few idlers are seen. Some
of the residents are engaged in local business; some
are occupied in farming and grape culture; others are
employed in the iron-works near-by, at Norwalk.
The stores and places of public resort are gathered
about the square, where there is plenty of room for
hitching when the Saturday trading is done at that
point, at which periods the fitful bustle recalls the
old wheat days when young Edison ran with curiosity
among the six and eight horse teams that had brought
in grain. This square is still covered with fine
primeval forest trees, and has at its centre a handsome
soldiers' monument of the Civil War, to which
four paved walks converge. It is an altogether pleasant
and unpretentious town, which cherishes with no
small amount of pride its association with the name
of Thomas Alva Edison.
In view of Edison's Dutch descent, it is rather
singular to find him with the name of Alva, for the
Spanish Duke of Alva was notoriously the worst
tyrant ever known to the Low Countries, and his
evil deeds occupy many stirring pages in Motley's
famous history. As a matter of fact, Edison was
named after Capt. Alva Bradley, an old friend of his
father, and a celebrated ship-owner on the Lakes.
Captain Bradley died a few years ago in wealth, while
his old associate, with equal ability for making money,
was never able long to keep it (differing again from
the Revolutionary New York banker from whom his
son's other name, "Thomas," was taken).
CHAPTER III
BOYHOOD AT PORT HURON, MICHIGAN
THE new home found by the Edison family at
Port Huron, where Alva spent his brief boyhood
before he became a telegraph operator and roamed
the whole middle West of that period, was unfortunately
destroyed by fire just after the close of the
Civil War. A smaller but perhaps more comfortable
home was then built by Edison's father on some
property he had bought at the near-by village of
Gratiot, and there his mother spent the remainder
of her life in confirmed invalidism, dying in 1871.
Hence the pictures and postal cards sold largely to
souvenir-hunters as the Port Huron home do not
actually show that in or around which the events
now referred to took place.
It has been a romance of popular biographers, based
upon the fact that Edison began his career as a
newsboy, to assume that these earlier years were
spent in poverty and privation, as indeed they usually
are by the "newsies" who swarm and shout their
papers in our large cities. While it seems a pity to
destroy this erroneous idea, suggestive of a heroic
climb from the depths to the heights, nothing could
be further from the truth. Socially the Edison family
stood high in Port Huron at a time when there
was relatively more wealth and general activity than
to-day. The town in its pristine prime was a great
lumber centre, and hummed with the industry of
numerous sawmills. An incredible quantity of lumber
was made there yearly until the forests near-by
vanished and the industry with them. The wealth
of the community, invested largely in this business
and in allied transportation companies, was accumulated
rapidly and as freely spent during those days
of prosperity in St. Clair County, bringing with it a
high standard of domestic comfort. In all this the
Edisons shared on equal terms.
Thus, contrary to the stories that have been so
widely published, the Edisons, while not rich by any
means, were in comfortable circumstances, with a
well-stocked farm and large orchard to draw upon
also for sustenance. Samuel Edison, on moving to
Port Huron, became a dealer in grain and feed, and
gave attention to that business for many years. But
he was also active in the lumber industry in the
Saginaw district and several other things. It was
difficult for a man of such mercurial, restless
temperament to stay constant to any one occupation;
in fact, had he been less visionary he would have
been more prosperous, but might not have had a son
so gifted with insight and imagination. One instance
of the optimistic vagaries which led him incessantly
to spend time and money on projects that would not
have appealed to a man less sanguine was the
construction on his property of a wooden observation
tower over a hundred feet high, the top of which was
reached toilsomely by winding stairs, after the pay-
ment of twenty-five cents. It is true that the tower
commanded a pretty view by land and water, but
Colonel Sellers himself might have projected this
enterprise as a possible source of steady income. At
first few visitors panted up the long flights of steps
to the breezy platform. During the first two months
Edison's father took in three dollars, and felt extremely
blue over the prospect, and to young Edison and his
relatives were left the lonely pleasures of the lookout
and the enjoyment of the telescope with which it
was equipped. But one fine day there came an excursion
from an inland town to see the lake. They
picnicked in the grove, and six hundred of them went
up the tower. After that the railroad company began
to advertise these excursions, and the receipts
each year paid for the observatory.
It might be thought that, immersed in business
and preoccupied with schemes of this character, Mr.
Edison was to blame for the neglect of his son's
education. But that was not the case. The conditions
were peculiar. It was at the Port Huron public
school that Edison received all the regular scholastic
instruction he ever enjoyed--just three months.
He might have spent the full term there, but, as
already noted, his teacher had found him "addled."
He was always, according to his own recollection,
at the foot of the class, and had come almost to regard
himself as a dunce, while his father entertained
vague anxieties as to his stupidity. The truth of the
matter seems to be that Mrs. Edison, a teacher of uncommon
ability and force, held no very high opinion
of the average public-school methods and results, and
was both eager to undertake the instruction of her
son and ambitious for the future of a boy whom she
knew from pedagogic experience to be receptive and
thoughtful to a very unusual degree. With her he
found study easy and pleasant. The quality of culture
in that simple but refined home, as well as the
intellectual character of this youth without schooling,
may be inferred from the fact that before he
had reached the age of twelve he had read, with his
mother's help, Gibbon's Decline and Fall of the Roman
Empire, Hume's History of England, Sears' History of
the World, Burton's Anatomy of Melancholy, and the
Dictionary of Sciences; and had even attempted to
struggle through Newton's Principia, whose mathematics
were decidedly beyond both teacher and
student. Besides, Edison, like Faraday, was never
a mathematician, and has had little personal use for
arithmetic beyond that which is called "mental."
He said once to a friend: "I can always hire some
mathematicians, but they can't hire me." His father,
by-the-way, always encouraged these literary tastes,
and paid him a small sum for each new book mastered.
It will be noted that fiction makes no showing
in the list; but it was not altogether excluded
from the home library, and Edison has all his life
enjoyed it, particularly the works of such writers as
Victor Hugo, after whom, because of his enthusiastic
admiration--possibly also because of his imagination--he
was nicknamed by his fellow-operators,
"Victor Hugo Edison."
Electricity at that moment could have no allure
for a youthful mind. Crude telegraphy represented
what was known of it practically, and about that the
books read by young Edison were not redundantly
informational. Even had that not been so, the
inclinations of the boy barely ten years old were
toward chemistry, and fifty years later there is seen
no change of predilection. It sounds like heresy to
say that Edison became an electrician by chance,
but it is the sober fact that to this pre-eminent and
brilliant leader in electrical achievement escape into
the chemical domain still has the aspect of a delightful
truant holiday. One of the earliest stories about
his boyhood relates to the incident when he induced
a lad employed in the family to swallow a large
quantity of Seidlitz powders in the belief that the
gases generated would enable him to fly. The agonies
of the victim attracted attention, and Edison's
mother marked her displeasure by an application of
the switch kept behind the old Seth Thomas "grandfather
clock." The disastrous result of this experiment
did not discourage Edison at all, as he attributed
failure to the lad rather than to the motive
power. In the cellar of the Edison homestead young
Alva soon accumulated a chemical outfit, constituting
the first in a long series of laboratories. The word
"laboratory" had always been associated with
alchemists in the past, but as with "filament" this
untutored stripling applied an iconoclastic practicability
to it long before he realized the significance of
the new departure. Goethe, in his legend of Faust,
shows the traditional or conventional philosopher in
his laboratory, an aged, tottering, gray-bearded
investigator, who only becomes youthful upon dia-
bolical intervention, and would stay senile without
it. In the Edison laboratory no such weird transformation
has been necessary, for the philosopher had
youth, fiery energy, and a grimly practical determination
that would submit to no denial of the goal
of something of real benefit to mankind. Edison and
Faust are indeed the extremes of philosophic thought
and accomplishment.
The home at Port Huron thus saw the first Edison
laboratory. The boy began experimenting when he
was about ten or eleven years of age. He got a copy
of Parker's School Philosophy, an elementary book on
physics, and about every experiment in it he tried.
Young Alva, or "Al," as he was called, thus early
displayed his great passion for chemistry, and in the
cellar of the house he collected no fewer than two
hundred bottles, gleaned in baskets from all parts of
the town. These were arranged carefully on shelves
and all labelled "Poison," so that no one else would
handle or disturb them. They contained the chemicals
with which he was constantly experimenting.
To others this diversion was both mysterious and
meaningless, but he had soon become familiar with
all the chemicals obtainable at the local drug stores,
and had tested to his satisfaction many of the statements
encountered in his scientific reading. Edison
has said that sometimes he has wondered how it was
he did not become an analytical chemist instead of
concentrating on electricity, for which he had at first
no great inclination.
Deprived of the use of a large part of her cellar,
tiring of the "mess" always to be found there, and
somewhat fearful of results, his mother once told the
boy to clear everything out and restore order. The
thought of losing all his possessions was the cause
of so much ardent distress that his mother relented,
but insisted that he must get a lock and key, and
keep the embryonic laboratory closed up all the time
except when he was there. This was done. From
such work came an early familiarity with the nature
of electrical batteries and the production of current
from them. Apparently the greater part of his spare
time was spent in the cellar, for he did not share to
any extent in the sports of the boys of the
neighborhood, his chum and chief companion, Michael
Oates, being a lad of Dutch origin, many years older,
who did chores around the house, and who could be
recruited as a general utility Friday for the experiments
of this young explorer--such as that with the
Seidlitz powders.
Such pursuits as these consumed the scant pocket-
money of the boy very rapidly. He was not in regular
attendance at school, and had read all the books
within reach. It was thus he turned newsboy, overcoming
the reluctance of his parents, particularly
that of his mother, by pointing out that he could by
this means earn all he wanted for his experiments
and get fresh reading in the shape of papers and
magazines free of charge. Besides, his leisure hours
in Detroit he would be able to spend at the public
library. He applied (in 1859) for the privilege of
selling newspapers on the trains of the Grand Trunk
Railroad, between Port Huron and Detroit, and obtained
the concession after a short delay, during
which he made an essay in his task of selling newspapers.
Edison had, as a fact, already had some commercial
experience from the age of eleven. The ten acres of
the reservation offered an excellent opportunity for
truck-farming, and the versatile head of the family
could not avoid trying his luck in this branch of
work. A large "market garden" was laid out, in
which Edison worked pretty steadily with the help of
the Dutch boy, Michael Oates--he of the flying
experiment. These boys had a horse and small wagon
intrusted to them, and every morning in the season
they would load up with onions, lettuce, peas, etc.,
and go through the town.
As much as $600 was turned over to Mrs. Edison
in one year from this source. The boy was indefatigable
but not altogether charmed with agriculture.
"After a while I tired of this work, as hoeing
corn in a hot sun is unattractive, and I did not
wonder that it had built up cities. Soon the Grand
Trunk Railroad was extended from Toronto to Port
Huron, at the foot of Lake Huron, and thence to
Detroit, at about the same time the War of the
Rebellion broke out. By a great amount of persistence
I got permission from my mother to go on the
local train as a newsboy. The local train from Port
Huron to Detroit, a distance of sixty-three miles,
left at 7 A.M. and arrived again at 9.30 P.M. After
being on the train for several months, I started two
stores in Port Huron--one for periodicals, and the
other for vegetables, butter, and berries in the season.
These were attended by two boys who shared in the
profits. The periodical store I soon closed, as the
boy in charge could not be trusted. The vegetable
store I kept up for nearly a year. After the railroad
had been opened a short time, they put on an express
which left Detroit in the morning and returned in
the evening. I received permission to put a newsboy
on this train. Connected with this train was
a car, one part for baggage and the other part for
U. S. mail, but for a long time it was not used. Every
morning I had two large baskets of vegetables from
the Detroit market loaded in the mail-car and sent
to Port Huron, where the boy would take them to
the store. They were much better than those grown
locally, and sold readily. I never was asked to pay
freight, and to this day cannot explain why, except
that I was so small and industrious, and the nerve to
appropriate a U. S. mail-car to do a free freight business
was so monumental. However, I kept this up
for a long time, and in addition bought butter from
the farmers along the line, and an immense amount
of blackberries in the season. I bought wholesale
and at a low price, and permitted the wives of the
engineers and trainmen to have the benefit of the
discount. After a while there was a daily immigrant
train put on. This train generally had from seven
to ten coaches filled always with Norwegians, all
bound for Iowa and Minnesota. On these trains I
employed a boy who sold bread, tobacco, and stick
candy. As the war progressed the daily newspaper
sales became very profitable, and I gave up the vegetable
store."
The hours of this occupation were long, but the
work was not particularly heavy, and Edison soon
found opportunity for his favorite avocation--chemical
experimentation. His train left Port Huron at
7 A.M., and made its southward trip to Detroit in
about three hours. This gave a stay in that city
from 10 A.M. until the late afternoon, when the train
left, arriving at Port Huron about 9.30 P.M. The
train was made up of three coaches--baggage, smoking,
and ordinary passenger or "ladies." The baggage-car
was divided into three compartments--one
for trunks and packages, one for the mail, and one for
smoking. In those days no use was made of the
smoking-compartment, as there was no ventilation,
and it was turned over to young Edison, who not only
kept papers there and his stock of goods as a "candy
butcher," but soon had it equipped with an extraordinary
variety of apparatus. There was plenty of
leisure on the two daily runs, even for an industrious
boy, and thus he found time to transfer his laboratory
from the cellar and re-establish it on the train.
His earnings were also excellent--so good, in fact,
that eight or ten dollars a day were often taken in,
and one dollar went every day to his mother. Thus
supporting himself, he felt entitled to spend any other
profit left over on chemicals and apparatus. And
spent it was, for with access to Detroit and its large
stores, where he bought his supplies, and to the public
library, where he could quench his thirst for technical
information, Edison gave up all his spare time
and money to chemistry. Surely the country could
have presented at that moment no more striking example
of the passionate pursuit of knowledge under
difficulties than this newsboy, barely fourteen years
of age, with his jars and test-tubes installed on a
railway baggage-car.
Nor did this amazing equipment stop at batteries
and bottles. The same little space a few feet square
was soon converted by this precocious youth into a
newspaper office. The outbreak of the Civil War
gave a great stimulus to the demand for all newspapers,
noticing which he became ambitious to publish
a local journal of his own, devoted to the news
of that section of the Grand Trunk road. A small
printing-press that had been used for hotel bills of
fare was picked up in Detroit, and type was also
bought, some of it being placed on the train so that
composition could go on in spells of leisure. To one
so mechanical in his tastes as Edison, it was quite
easy to learn the rudiments of the printing art, and
thus the Weekly Herald came into existence, of which
he was compositor, pressman, editor, publisher, and
newsdealer. Only one or two copies of this journal
are now discoverable, but its appearance can be
judged from the reduced facsimile here shown. The
thing was indeed well done as the work of a youth
shown by the date to be less than fifteen years old.
The literary style is good, there are only a few trivial
slips in spelling, and the appreciation is keen of what
would be interesting news and gossip. The price was
three cents a copy, or eight cents a month for regular
subscribers, and the circulation ran up to over
four hundred copies an issue. This was by no means
the result of mere public curiosity, but attested the
value of the sheet as a genuine newspaper, to which
many persons in the railroad service along the line
were willing contributors. Indeed, with the aid of
the railway telegraph, Edison was often able to print
late news of importance, of local origin, that the distant
regular papers like those of Detroit, which he
handled as a newsboy, could not get. It is no wonder
that this clever little sheet received the approval
and patronage of the English engineer Stephenson
when inspecting the Grand Trunk system, and was
noted by no less distinguished a contemporary than
the London Times as the first newspaper in the world
to be printed on a train in motion. The youthful
proprietor sometimes cleared as much as twenty to
thirty dollars a month from this unique journalistic
enterprise.
But all this extra work required attention, and
Edison solved the difficulty of attending also to the
newsboy business by the employment of a young
friend, whom he trained and treated liberally as an
understudy. There was often plenty of work for
both in the early days of the war, when the news of
battle caused intense excitement and large sales of
papers. Edison, with native shrewdness already so
strikingly displayed, would telegraph the station
agents and get them to bulletin the event of the day
at the front, so that when each station was reached
there were eager purchasers waiting. He recalls in
particular the sensation caused by the great battle
of Shiloh, or Pittsburg Landing, in April, 1862, in
which both Grant and Sherman were engaged, in
which Johnston died, and in which there was a ghastly
total of 25,000 killed and wounded.
In describing his enterprising action that day, Edison
says that when he reached Detroit the bulletin-
boards of the newspaper offices were surrounded with
dense crowds, which read awestricken the news that
there were 60,000 killed and wounded, and that the
result was uncertain. "I knew that if the same
excitement was attained at the various small towns
along the road, and especially at Port Huron, the sale
of papers would be great. I then conceived the idea
of telegraphing the news ahead, went to the operator
in the depot, and by giving him Harper's Weekly and
some other papers for three months, he agreed to
telegraph to all the stations the matter on the bulletin-board.
I hurriedly copied it, and he sent it, requesting
the agents to display it on the blackboards
used for stating the arrival and departure of trains. I
decided that instead of the usual one hundred papers
I could sell one thousand; but not having sufficient
money to purchase that number, I determined in my
desperation to see the editor himself and get credit.
The great paper at that time was the Detroit Free
Press. I walked into the office marked "Editorial"
and told a young man that I wanted to see the editor
on important business--important to me, anyway,
I was taken into an office where there were two men,
and I stated what I had done about telegraphing,
and that I wanted a thousand papers, but only had
money for three hundred, and I wanted credit. One
of the men refused it, but the other told the first
spokesman to let me have them. This man, I afterward
learned, was Wilbur F. Storey, who subsequently
founded the Chicago Times, and became celebrated in
the newspaper world. By the aid of another boy I
lugged the papers to the train and started folding
them. The first station, called Utica, was a small
one where I generally sold two papers. I saw a
crowd ahead on the platform, and thought it some
excursion, but the moment I landed there was a rush
for me; then I realized that the telegraph was a great
invention. I sold thirty-five papers there. The next
station was Mount Clemens, now a watering-place,
but then a town of about one thousand. I usually
sold six to eight papers there. I decided that if I
found a corresponding crowd there, the only thing
to do to correct my lack of judgment in not getting
more papers was to raise the price from five cents to
ten. The crowd was there, and I raised the price. At
the various towns there were corresponding crowds.
It had been my practice at Port Huron to jump from
the train at a point about one-fourth of a mile from
the station, where the train generally slackened
speed. I had drawn several loads of sand to this
point to jump on, and had become quite expert. The
little Dutch boy with the horse met me at this point.
When the wagon approached the outskirts of the
town I was met by a large crowd. I then yelled:
`Twenty-five cents apiece, gentlemen! I haven't
enough to go around!' I sold all out, and made what
to me then was an immense sum of money."
Such episodes as this added materially to his income,
but did not necessarily increase his savings,
for he was then, as now, an utter spendthrift so long
as some new apparatus or supplies for experiment
could be had. In fact, the laboratory on wheels soon
became crowded with such equipment, most costly
chemicals were bought on the instalment plan, and
Fresenius' Qualitative Analysis served as a basis for
ceaseless testing and study. George Pullman, who
then had a small shop at Detroit and was working
on his sleeping-car, made Edison a lot of wooden
apparatus for his chemicals, to the boy's delight.
Unfortunately a sudden change came, fraught with
disaster. The train, running one day at thirty miles
an hour over a piece of poorly laid track, was thrown
suddenly out of the perpendicular with a violent
lurch, and, before Edison could catch it, a stick of
phosphorus was jarred from its shelf, fell to the
floor, and burst into flame. The car took fire, and
the boy, in dismay, was still trying to quench the
blaze when the conductor, a quick-tempered Scotchman,
who acted also as baggage-master, hastened to
the scene with water and saved his car. On the arrival
at Mount Clemens station, its next stop, Edison
and his entire outfit, laboratory, printing-plant, and
all, were promptly ejected by the enraged conductor,
and the train then moved off, leaving him on the platform,
tearful and indignant in the midst of his beloved
but ruined possessions. It was lynch law of a
kind; but in view of the responsibility, this action of
the conductor lay well within his rights and duties.
It was through this incident that Edison acquired
the deafness that has persisted all through his life,
a severe box on the ears from the scorched and angry
conductor being the direct cause of the infirmity.
Although this deafness would be regarded as a great
affliction by most people, and has brought in its train
other serious baubles, Mr. Edison has always regarded
it philosophically, and said about it recently:
"This deafness has been of great advantage to me
in various ways. When in a telegraph office, I could
only hear the instrument directly on the table at
which I sat, and unlike the other operators, I was not
bothered by the other instruments. Again, in
experimenting on the telephone, I had to improve the
transmitter so I could hear it. This made the telephone
commercial, as the magneto telephone receiver
of Bell was too weak to be used as a transmitter
commercially. It was the same with the phonograph.
The great defect of that instrument was the
rendering of the overtones in music, and the hissing
consonants in speech. I worked over one year,
twenty hours a day' Sundays and all, to get the word
`specie ' perfectly recorded and reproduced on the
phonograph. When this was done I knew that
everything else could be done which was a fact.
Again, my nerves have been preserved intact. Broadway
is as quiet to me as a country village is to a
person with normal hearing."
Saddened but not wholly discouraged, Edison soon
reconstituted his laboratory and printing-office at
home, although on the part of the family there was
some fear and objection after this episode, on the score
of fire. But Edison promised not to bring in anything
of a dangerous nature. He did not cease the
publication of the Weekly Herald. On the contrary,
he prospered in both his enterprises until persuaded
by the "printer's devil" in the office of the
Port Huron Commercial to change the character of
his journal, enlarge it, and issue it under the name
of Paul Pry, a happy designation for this or kindred
ventures in the domain of society journalism. No
copies of Paul Pry can now be found, but it is
known that its style was distinctly personal, that
gossip was its specialty, and that no small offence
was given to the people whose peculiarities or peccadilloes
were discussed in a frank and breezy style by
the two boys. In one instance the resentment of
the victim of such unsought publicity was so intense
he laid hands on Edison and pitched the startled
young editor into the St. Clair River. The name of
this violator of the freedom of the press was thereafter
excluded studiously from the columns of Paul
Pry, and the incident may have been one of those
which soon caused the abandonment of the paper.
Edison had great zest in this work, and but for the
strong influences in other directions would probably
have continued in the newspaper field, in which he
was, beyond question, the youngest publisher and
editor of the day.
Before leaving this period of his career, it is to be
noted that it gave Edison many favorable opportunities.
In Detroit he could spend frequent hours
in the public library, and it is matter of record that
he began his liberal acquaintance with its contents
by grappling bravely with a certain section and trying
to read it through consecutively, shelf by shelf,
regardless of subject. In a way this is curiously
suggestive of the earnest, energetic method of "frontal
attack" with which the inventor has since addressed
himself to so many problems in the arts and sciences.
The Grand Trunk Railroad machine-shops at Port
Huron were a great attraction to the boy, who appears
to have spent a good deal of his time there. He who
was to have much to do with the evolution of the
modern electric locomotive was fascinated by the
mechanism of the steam locomotive; and whenever
he could get the chance Edison rode in the cab with
the engineer of his train. He became thoroughly
familiar with the intricacies of fire-box, boiler, valves,
levers, and gears, and liked nothing better than to
handle the locomotive himself during the run. On
one trip, when the engineer lay asleep while his eager
substitute piloted the train, the boiler "primed,"
and a deluge overwhelmed the young driver, who
stuck to his post till the run and the ordeal were
ended. Possibly this helped to spoil a locomotive
engineer, but went to make a great master of the new
motive power. "Steam is half an Englishman," said
Emerson. The temptation is strong to say that workaday
electricity is half an American. Edison's own
account of the incident is very laughable: "The engine
was one of a number leased to the Grand Trunk by
the Chicago, Burlington & Quincy. It had bright brass
bands all over, the woodwork beautifully painted,
and everything highly polished, which was the custom
up to the time old Commodore Vanderbilt
stopped it on his roads. After running about fifteen
miles the fireman couldn't keep his eyes open (this
event followed an all-night dance of the trainmen's
fraternal organization), and he agreed to permit me
to run the engine. I took charge, reducing the speed
to about twelve miles an hour, and brought the
train of seven cars to her destination at the Grand
Trunk junction safely. But something occurred which
was very much out of the ordinary. I was very much
worried about the water, and I knew that if it got
low the boiler was likely to explode. I hadn't gone
twenty miles before black damp mud blew out of the
stack and covered every part of the engine, including
myself. I was about to awaken the fireman to find
out the cause of this when it stopped. Then I approached
a station where the fireman always went out
to the cowcatcher, opened the oil-cup on the steam-
chest, and poured oil in. I started to carry out the
procedure when, upon opening the oil-cup, the steam
rushed out with a tremendous noise, nearly knocking
me off the engine. I succeeded in closing the oil-cup
and got back in the cab, and made up my mind that
she would pull through without oil. I learned afterward
that the engineer always shut off steam when
the fireman went out to oil. This point I failed to
notice. My powers of observation were very much improved
after this occurrence. Just before I reached
the junction another outpour of black mud occurred,
and the whole engine was a sight--so much so that
when I pulled into the yard everybody turned to see
it, laughing immoderately. I found the reason of the
mud was that I carried so much water it passed over
into the stack, and this washed out all the accumulated
soot."
One afternoon about a week before Christmas Edison's
train jumped the track near Utica, a station
on the line. Four old Michigan Central cars with
rotten sills collapsed in the ditch and went all to
pieces, distributing figs, raisins, dates, and candies
all over the track and the vicinity. Hating to see so
much waste, Edison tried to save all he could by eating
it on the spot, but as a result "our family doctor had
the time of his life with me in this connection."
An absurd incident described by Edison throws a
vivid light on the free-and-easy condition of early railroad
travel and on the Southern extravagance of the
time. "In 1860, just before the war broke out there
came to the train one afternoon, in Detroit, two fine-
looking young men accompanied by a colored servant.
They bought tickets for Port Huron, the terminal point
for the train. After leaving the junction just outside
of Detroit, I brought in the evening papers. When I
came opposite the two young men, one of them said:
`Boy, what have you got?' I said: `Papers.' `All
right.' He took them and threw them out of the
window, and, turning to the colored man, said:
`Nicodemus, pay this boy.' I told Nicodemus the
amount, and he opened a satchel and paid me. The
passengers didn't know what to make of the transaction.
I returned with the illustrated papers and
magazines. These were seized and thrown out of
the window, and I was told to get my money of
Nicodemus. I then returned with all the old magazines
and novels I had not been able to sell, thinking
perhaps this would be too much for them. I was
small and thin, and the layer reached above my head,
and was all I could possibly carry. I had prepared a
list, and knew the amount in case they bit again.
When I opened the door, all the passengers roared
with laughter. I walked right up to the young men.
One asked me what I had. I said `Magazines and
novels.' He promptly threw them out of the window,
and Nicodemus settled. Then I came in with
cracked hickory nuts, then pop-corn balls, and, finally,
molasses candy. All went out of the window. I felt
like Alexander the Great!--I had no more chance! I
had sold all I had. Finally I put a rope to my trunk,
which was about the size of a carpenter's chest, and
started to pull this from the baggage-car to the
passenger-car. It was almost too much for my
strength, but at last I got it in front of those men.
I pulled off my coat, shoes, and hat, and laid them
on the chest. Then he asked: `What have you got,
boy?' I said: `Everything, sir, that I can spare that is
for sale.' The passengers fairly jumped with laughter.
Nicodemus paid me $27 for this last sale, and threw
the whole out of the door in the rear of the car. These
men were from the South, and I have always retained
a soft spot in my heart for a Southern gentleman."
While Edison was a newsboy on the train a request
came to him one day to go to the office of E. B. Ward
& Company, at that time the largest owners of steamboats
on the Great Lakes. The captain of their largest
boat had died suddenly, and they wanted a message
taken to another captain who lived about fourteen
miles from Ridgeway station on the railroad. This
captain had retired, taken up some lumber land, and
had cleared part of it. Edison was offered $15 by
Mr. Ward to go and fetch him, but as it was a wild
country and would be dark, Edison stood out for
$25, so that he could get the companionship of another
lad. The terms were agreed to. Edison arrived
at Ridgeway at 8.30 P.M., when it was raining and as
dark as ink. Getting another boy with difficulty to
volunteer, he launched out on his errand in the pitch-
black night. The two boys carried lanterns, but the
road was a rough path through dense forest. The
country was wild, and it was a usual occurrence to
see deer, bear, and coon skins nailed up on the sides
of houses to dry. Edison had read about bears, but
couldn't remember whether they were day or night
prowlers. The farther they went the more apprehensive
they became, and every stump in the ravished
forest looked like a bear. The other lad proposed
seeking safety up a tree, but Edison demurred on
the plea that bears could climb, and that the message
must be delivered that night to enable the captain to
catch the morning train. First one lantern went
out, then the other. "We leaned up against a tree
and cried. I thought if I ever got out of that scrape
alive I would know more about the habits of animals
and everything else, and be prepared for all kinds of
mischance when I undertook an enterprise. However,
the intense darkness dilated the pupils of our
eyes so as to make them very sensitive, and we could
just see at times the outlines of the road. Finally,
just as a faint gleam of daylight arrived, we entered
the captain's yard and delivered the message. In
my whole life I never spent such a night of horror
as this, but I got a good lesson."
An amusing incident of this period is told by Edison.
"When I was a boy," he says, "the Prince of Wales,
the late King Edward, came to Canada (1860). Great
preparations were made at Sarnia, the Canadian town
opposite Port Huron. About every boy, including myself,
went over to see the affair. The town was draped
in flags most profusely, and carpets were laid on the
cross-walks for the prince to walk on. There were
arches, etc. A stand was built raised above the general
level, where the prince was to be received by the
mayor. Seeing all these preparations, my idea of
a prince was very high; but when he did arrive I
mistook the Duke of Newcastle for him, the duke
being a fine-looking man. I soon saw that I was mistaken:
that the prince was a young stripling, and did
not meet expectations. Several of us expressed our
belief that a prince wasn't much, after all, and said
that we were thoroughly disappointed. For this one
boy was whipped. Soon the Canuck boys attacked
the Yankee boys, and we were all badly licked. I,
myself, got a black eye. That has always prejudiced
me against that kind of ceremonial and folly." It is
certainly interesting to note that in later years the
prince for whom Edison endured the ignominy of a
black eye made generous compensation in a graceful
letter accompanying the gold Albert Medal awarded
by the Royal Society of Arts.
Another incident of the period is as follows: "After
selling papers in Port Huron, which was often not
reached until about 9.30 at night, I seldom got home
before 11.00 or 11.30. About half-way home from the
station and the town, and within twenty-five feet of
the road in a dense wood, was a soldiers' graveyard
where three hundred soldiers were buried, due to a
cholera epidemic which took place at Fort Gratiot,
near by, many years previously. At first we used
to shut our eyes and run the horse past this graveyard,
and if the horse stepped on a twig my heart
would give a violent movement, and it is a wonder
that I haven't some valvular disease of that organ.
But soon this running of the horse became monotonous,
and after a while all fears of graveyards absolutely
disappeared from my system. I was in the
condition of Sam Houston, the pioneer and founder
of Texas, who, it was said, knew no fear. Houston
lived some distance from the town and generally went
home late at night, having to pass through a dark
cypress swamp over a corduroy road. One night, to
test his alleged fearlessness, a man stationed himself
behind a tree and enveloped himself in a sheet. He
confronted Houston suddenly, and Sam stopped and
said: `If you are a man, you can't hurt me. If you
are a ghost, you don't want to hurt me. And if you are
the devil, come home with me; I married your sister!' "
It is not to be inferred, however, from some of
the preceding statements that the boy was of an
exclusively studious bent of mind. He had then, as
now, the keen enjoyment of a joke, and no particular
aversion to the practical form. An incident of the
time is in point. "After the breaking out of the war
there was a regiment of volunteer soldiers quartered at
Fort Gratiot, the reservation extending to the boundary
line of our house. Nearly every night we would
hear a call, such as `Corporal of the Guard, No. 1.'
This would be repeated from sentry to sentry until
it reached the barracks, when Corporal of the Guard,
No. 1, would come and see what was wanted. I and
the little Dutch boy, after returning from the town
after selling our papers, thought we would take a
hand at military affairs. So one night, when it was
very dark, I shouted for Corporal of the Guard, No. 1.
The second sentry, thinking it was the terminal
sentry who shouted, repeated it to the third, and so
on. This brought the corporal along the half mile,
only to find that he was fooled. We tried him three
nights; but the third night they were watching, and
caught the little Dutch boy, took him to the lock-up
at the fort, and shut him up. They chased me to
the house. I rushed for the cellar. In one small
apartment there were two barrels of potatoes and a
third one nearly empty. I poured these remnants
into the other barrels, sat down, and pulled the barrel
over my head, bottom up. The soldiers had awakened
my father, and they were searching for me with
candles and lanterns. The corporal was absolutely
certain I came into the cellar, and couldn't see how I
could have gotten out, and wanted to know from
my father if there was no secret hiding-place. On
assurance of my father, who said that there was not,
he said it was most extraordinary. I was glad when
they left, as I was cramped, and the potatoes were
rotten that had been in the barrel and violently
offensive. The next morning I was found in bed,
and received a good switching on the legs from my
father, the first and only one I ever received from
him, although my mother kept a switch behind the
old Seth Thomas clock that had the bark worn off.
My mother's ideas and mine differed at times,
especially when I got experimenting and mussed up
things. The Dutch boy was released next morning."
CHAPTER IV
THE YOUNG TELEGRAPH OPERATOR
"WHILE a newsboy on the railroad," says Edison,
"I got very much interested in electricity,
probably from visiting telegraph offices with a chum
who had tastes similar to mine." It will also have
been noted that he used the telegraph to get items
for his little journal, and to bulletin his special news
of the Civil War along the line. The next step was
natural, and having with his knowledge of chemistry
no trouble about "setting up" his batteries, the
difficulties of securing apparatus were chiefly those
connected with the circuits and the instruments.
American youths to-day are given, if of a mechanical
turn of mind, to amateur telegraphy or telephony,
but seldom, if ever, have to make any part of the
system constructed. In Edison's boyish days it was
quite different, and telegraphic supplies were hard to
obtain. But he and his "chum" had a line between
their homes, built of common stove-pipe wire. The insulators
were bottles set on nails driven into trees and
short poles. The magnet wire was wound with rags for
insulation, and pieces of spring brass were used for
keys. With an idea of securing current cheaply,
Edison applied the little that he knew about static
electricity, and actually experimented with cats,
which he treated vigorously as frictional machines
until the animals fled in dismay, and Edison had
learned his first great lesson in the relative value of
sources of electrical energy. The line was made to
work, however, and additional to the messages that
the boys interchanged, Edison secured practice in an
ingenious manner. His father insisted on 11.30 as
proper bedtime, which left but a short interval after
the long day on the train. But each evening, when
the boy went home with a bundle of papers that had
not been sold in the town, his father would sit up
reading the "returnables." Edison, therefore, on
some excuse, left the papers with his friend, but
suggested that he could get the news from him by
telegraph, bit by bit. The scheme interested his
father, and was put into effect, the messages being
written down and handed over for perusal. This
yielded good practice nightly, lasting until 12 and 1
o'clock, and was maintained for some time until Mr.
Edison became willing that his son should stay up
for a reasonable time. The papers were then brought
home again, and the boys amused themselves to their
hearts' content until the line was pulled down by a
stray cow wandering through the orchard. Meantime
better instruments had been secured, and the
rudiments of telegraphy had been fairly mastered.
The mixed train on which Edison was employed as
newsboy did the way-freight work and shunting at
the Mount Clemens station, about half an hour being
usually spent in the work. One August morning, in
1862, while the shunting was in progress, and a laden
box-car had been pushed out of a siding, Edison, who
was loitering about the platform, saw the little son
of the station agent, Mr. J. U. Mackenzie, playing
with the gravel on the main track along which the
car without a brakeman was rapidly approaching.
Edison dropped his papers and his glazed cap, and
made a dash for the child, whom he picked up and
lifted to safety without a second to spare, as the wheel
of the car struck his heel; and both were cut about the
face and hands by the gravel ballast on which they
fell. The two boys were picked up by the train-hands
and carried to the platform, and the grateful father
at once offered to teach the rescuer, whom he knew
and liked, the art of train telegraphy and to make
an operator of him. It is needless to say that the
proposal was eagerly accepted.
Edison found time for his new studies by letting
one of his friends look after the newsboy work on the
train for part of the trip, reserving to himself the run
between Port Huron and Mount Clemens. That he
was already well qualified as a beginner is evident
from the fact that he had mastered the Morse code
of the telegraphic alphabet, and was able to take to
the station a neat little set of instruments he had
just finished with his own hands at a gun-shop in
Detroit. This was probably a unique achievement
in itself among railway operators of that day or of
later times. The drill of the student involved chiefly
the acquisition of the special signals employed in
railway work, including the numerals and abbreviations
applied to save time. Some of these have passed
into the slang of the day, "73" being well known as
a telegrapher's expression of compliments or good
wishes, while "23" is an accident or death message,
and has been given broader popular significance as
a general synonym for "hoodoo." All of this came
easily to Edison, who had, moreover, as his Herald
showed, an unusual familiarity with train movement
along that portion of the Grand Trunk road.
Three or four months were spent pleasantly and
profitably by the youth in this course of study, and
Edison took to it enthusiastically, giving it no less
than eighteen hours a day. He then put up a little
telegraph line from the station to the village, a distance
of about a mile, and opened an office in a drug
store; but the business was naturally very small.
The telegraph operator at Port Huron knowing of his
proficiency, and wanting to get into the United States
Military Telegraph Corps, where the pay in those days
of the Civil War was high, succeeded in convincing
his brother-in-law, Mr. M. Walker, that young Edison
could fill the position. Edison was, of course, well
acquainted with the operators along the road and at
the southern terminal, and took up his new duties
very easily. The office was located in a jewelry store,
where newspapers and periodicals were also sold.
Edison was to be found at the office both day and
night, sleeping there. "I became quite valuable to
Mr. Walker. After working all day I worked at the
office nights as well, for the reason that `press report'
came over one of the wires until 3 A.M., and I would
cut in and copy it as well as I could, to become more
rapidly proficient. The goal of the rural telegraph
operator was to be able to take press. Mr. Walker
tried to get my father to apprentice me at $20 per
month, but they could not agree. I then applied for
a job on the Grand Trunk Railroad as a railway
operator, and was given a place, nights, at Stratford
Junction, Canada." Apparently his friend Mackenzie
helped him in the matter. The position carried
a salary of $25 per month. No serious objections
were raised by his family, for the distance from Port
Huron was not great, and Stratford was near Bayfield,
the old home from which the Edisons had come,
so that there were doubtless friends or even relatives
in the vicinity. This was in 1863.
Mr. Walker was an observant man, who has since
that time installed a number of waterworks systems
and obtained several patents of his own. He describes
the boy of sixteen as engrossed intensely in
his experiments and scientific reading, and somewhat
indifferent, for this reason, to his duties as operator.
This office was not particularly busy, taking from
$50 to $75 a month, but even the messages taken
in would remain unsent on the hook while Edison
was in the cellar below trying to solve some chemical
problem. The manager would see him studying
sometimes an article in such a paper as the Scientific
American, and then disappearing to buy a few sundries
for experiments. Returning from the drug
store with his chemicals, he would not be seen again
until required by his duties, or until he had found out
for himself, if possible, in this offhand manner,
whether what he had read was correct or not. When
he had completed his experiment all interest in it
was lost, and the jars and wires would be left to any
fate that might befall them. In like manner Edison
would make free use of the watchmaker's tools that
lay on the little table in the front window, and would
take the wire pliers there without much thought as
to their value as distinguished from a lineman's
tools. The one idea was to do quickly what he
wanted to do; and the same swift, almost headlong
trial of anything that comes to hand, while the fervor
of a new experiment is felt, has been noted at all
stages of the inventor's career. One is reminded of
Palissy's recklessness, when in his efforts to make the
enamel melt on his pottery he used the very furniture
of his home for firewood.
Mr. Edison remarks the fact that there was very
little difference between the telegraph of that time
and of to-day, except the general use of the old Morse
register with the dots and dashes recorded by indenting
paper strips that could be read and checked
later at leisure if necessary. He says: "The telegraph
men couldn't explain how it worked, and I
was always trying to get them to do so. I think they
couldn't. I remember the best explanation I got
was from an old Scotch line repairer employed by the
Montreal Telegraph Company, which operated the
railroad wires. He said that if you had a dog like
a dachshund, long enough to reach from Edinburgh
to London, if you pulled his tail in Edinburgh he would
bark in London. I could understand that, but I
never could get it through me what went through the
dog or over the wire." To-day Mr. Edison is just as
unable to solve the inner mystery of electrical
transmission. Nor is he alone. At the banquet given to
celebrate his jubilee in 1896 as professor at Glasgow
University, Lord Kelvin, the greatest physicist of our
time, admitted with tears in his eyes and the note of
tragedy in his voice, that when it came to explaining
the nature of electricity, he knew just as little as
when he had begun as a student, and felt almost as
though his life had been wasted while he tried to
grapple with the great mystery of physics.
Another episode of this period is curious in its
revelation of the tenacity with which Edison has
always held to some of his oldest possessions with a
sense of personal attachment. "While working at
Stratford Junction," he says, "I was told by one of
the freight conductors that in the freight-house at
Goodrich there were several boxes of old broken-up
batteries. I went there and found over eighty cells
of the well-known Grove nitric-acid battery. The
operator there, who was also agent, when asked by
me if I could have the electrodes of each cell, made
of sheet platinum, gave his permission readily, thinking
they were of tin. I removed them all, amounting
to several ounces. Platinum even in those days
was very expensive, costing several dollars an ounce,
and I owned only three small strips. I was overjoyed
at this acquisition, and those very strips and
the reworked scrap are used to this day in my laboratory
over forty years later."
It was at Stratford that Edison's inventiveness was
first displayed. The hours of work of a night operator
are usually from 7 P.M. to 7 A.M., and to insure attention
while on duty it is often provided that the
operator every hour, from 9 P.M. until relieved by the
day operator, shall send in the signal "6" to the
train dispatcher's office. Edison revelled in the
opportunity for study and experiment given him by his
long hours of freedom in the daytime, but needed
sleep, just as any healthy youth does. Confronted
by the necessity of sending in this watchman's signal
as evidence that he was awake and on duty, he constructed
a small wheel with notches on the rim, and
attached it to the clock in such a manner that the
night-watchman could start it when the line was
quiet, and at each hour the wheel revolved and sent
in accurately the dots required for "sixing." The
invention was a success, the device being, indeed,
similar to that of the modern district messenger box;
but it was soon noticed that, in spite of the regularity
of the report, "Sf" could not be raised even if a train
message were sent immediately after. Detection and
a reprimand came in due course, but were not taken
very seriously.
A serious occurrence that might have resulted in
accident drove him soon after from Canada, although
the youth could hardly be held to blame for it.
Edison says: "This night job just suited me, as I
could have the whole day to myself. I had the faculty
of sleeping in a chair any time for a few minutes at
a time. I taught the night-yardman my call, so I
could get half an hour's sleep now and then between
trains, and in case the station was called the watchman
would awaken me. One night I got an order
to hold a freight train, and I replied that I would.
I rushed out to find the signalman, but before I could
find him and get the signal set, the train ran past.
I ran to the telegraph office, and reported that I could
not hold her. The reply was: `Hell!' The train dispatcher,
on the strength of my message that I would
hold the train, had permitted another to leave the
last station in the opposite direction. There was
a lower station near the junction where the day
operator slept. I started for it on foot. The night
was dark, and I fell into a culvert and was knocked
senseless." Owing to the vigilance of the two engineers
on the locomotives, who saw each other approaching
on the straight single track, nothing more
dreadful happened than a summons to the thoughtless
operator to appear before the general manager at
Toronto. On reaching the manager's office, his trial
for neglect of duty was fortunately interrupted by
the call of two Englishmen; and while their conversation
proceeded, Edison slipped quietly out of the
room, hurried to the Grand Trunk freight depot,
found a conductor he knew taking out a freight train
for Sarnia, and was not happy until the ferry-boat
from Sarnia had landed him once more on the Michigan
shore. The Grand Trunk still owes Mr. Edison
the wages due him at the time he thus withdrew
from its service, but the claim has never been pressed.
The same winter of 1863-64, while at Port Huron,
Edison had a further opportunity of displaying his
ingenuity. An ice-jam had broken the light telegraph
cable laid in the bed of the river across to
Sarnia, and thus communication was interrupted.
The river is three-quarters of a mile wide, and could
not be crossed on foot; nor could the cable be repaired.
Edison at once suggested using the steam whistle of
the locomotive, and by manipulating the valve con-
versed the short and long outbursts of shrill sound
into the Morse code. An operator on the Sarnia shore
was quick enough to catch the significance of the
strange whistling, and messages were thus sent in
wireless fashion across the ice-floes in the river. It
is said that such signals were also interchanged by
military telegraphers during the war, and possibly
Edison may have heard of the practice; but be that
as it may, he certainly showed ingenuity and resource
in applying such a method to meet the necessity.
It is interesting to note that at this point the Grand
Trunk now has its St. Clair tunnel, through which the
trains are hauled under the river-bed by electric
locomotives.
Edison had now begun unconsciously the roaming
and drifting that took him during the next five years
all over the Middle States, and that might well have
wrecked the career of any one less persistent and
industrious. It was a period of his life corresponding
to the Wanderjahre of the German artisan, and
was an easy way of gratifying a taste for travel
without the risk of privation. To-day there is little
temptation to the telegrapher to go to distant parts
of the country on the chance that he may secure a
livelihood at the key. The ranks are well filled everywhere,
and of late years the telegraph as an art or
industry has shown relatively slight expansion, owing
chiefly to the development of telephony. Hence, if vacancies
occur, there are plenty of operators available,
and salaries have remained so low as to lead to one or
two formidable and costly strikes that unfortunately
took no account of the economic conditions of demand
and supply. But in the days of the Civil War there
was a great dearth of skilful manipulators of the key.
About fifteen hundred of the best operators in the
country were at the front on the Federal side alone,
and several hundred more had enlisted. This created
a serious scarcity, and a nomadic operator going to any
telegraphic centre would be sure to find a place open
waiting for him. At the close of the war a majority
of those who had been with the two opposed armies
remained at the key under more peaceful surroundings,
but the rapid development of the commercial
and railroad systems fostered a new demand, and
then for a time it seemed almost impossible to train
new operators fast enough. In a few years, however,
the telephone sprang into vigorous existence,
dating from 1876, drawing off some of the most
adventurous spirits from the telegraph field; and the
deterrent influence of the telephone on the telegraph
had made itself felt by 1890. The expiration of the
leading Bell telephone patents, five years later,
accentuated even more sharply the check that had
been put on telegraphy, as hundreds and thousands
of "independent" telephone companies were then
organized, throwing a vast network of toll lines over
Ohio, Indiana, Illinois, Iowa, and other States, and
affording cheap, instantaneous means of communication
without any necessity for the intervention of an
operator.
It will be seen that the times have changed radically
since Edison became a telegrapher, and that in
this respect a chapter of electrical history has been
definitely closed. There was a day when the art
offered a distinct career to all of its practitioners,
and young men of ambition and good family were
eager to begin even as messenger boys, and were
ready to undergo a severe ordeal of apprenticeship
with the belief that they could ultimately attain positions
of responsibility and profit. At the same time
operators have always been shrewd enough to regard
the telegraph as a stepping-stone to other careers
in life. A bright fellow entering the telegraph service
to-day finds the experience he may gain therein
valuable, but he soon realizes that there are not
enough good-paying official positions to "go around,"
so as to give each worthy man a chance after he has
mastered the essentials of the art. He feels, therefore,
that to remain at the key involves either stagnation
or deterioration, and that after, say, twenty-five years
of practice he will have lost ground as compared with
friends who started out in other occupations. The
craft of an operator, learned without much difficulty,
is very attractive to a youth, but a position at the
key is no place for a man of mature years. His services,
with rare exceptions, grow less valuable as he
advances in age and nervous strain breaks him down.
On the contrary, men engaged in other professions
find, as a rule, that they improve and advance with
experience, and that age brings larger rewards and
opportunities.
The list of well-known Americans who have been
graduates of the key is indeed an extraordinary one,
and there is no department of our national life in
which they have not distinguished themselves. The
contrast, in this respect, between them and their
European colleagues is highly significant. In Europe
the telegraph systems are all under government
management, the operators have strictly limited
spheres of promotion, and at the best the transition
from one kind of employment to another is not
made so easily as in the New World. But in the
United States we have seen Rufus Bullock become
Governor of Georgia, and Ezra Cornell Governor of
New York. Marshall Jewell was Postmaster-General
of President Grant's Cabinet, and Daniel Lamont was
Secretary of State in President Cleveland's. Gen.
T. T. Eckert, past-President of the Western Union
Telegraph Company, was Assistant Secretary of War
under President Lincoln; and Robert J. Wynne, afterward
a consul-general, served as Assistant Postmaster
General. A very large proportion of the presidents
and leading officials of the great railroad systems are
old telegraphers, including Messrs. W. C. Brown,
President of the New York Central Railroad, and
Marvin Hughitt, President of the Chicago & North
western Railroad. In industrial and financial life
there have been Theodore N. Vail, President of the
Bell telephone system; L. C. Weir, late President of
the Adams Express; A. B. Chandler, President of the
Postal Telegraph and Cable Company; Sir W. Van
Home, identified with Canadian development; Robert
C. Clowry, President of the Western Union Telegraph
Company; D. H. Bates, Manager of the Baltimore &
Ohio telegraph for Robert Garrett; and Andrew
Carnegie, the greatest ironmaster the world has ever
known, as well as its greatest philanthropist. In
journalism there have been leaders like Edward Rose-
water, founder of the Omaha Bee; W. J. Elverson, of
the Philadelphia Press; and Frank A. Munsey, publisher
of half a dozen big magazines. George Kennan
has achieved fame in literature, and Guy Carleton
and Harry de Souchet have been successful as dramatists.
These are but typical of hundreds of men
who could be named who have risen from work at the
key to become recognized leaders in differing spheres
of activity.
But roving has never been favorable to the formation
of steady habits. The young men who thus
floated about the country from one telegraph office
to another were often brilliant operators, noted for
speed in sending and receiving, but they were undisciplined,
were without the restraining influences of
home life, and were so highly paid for their work that
they could indulge freely in dissipation if inclined
that way. Subjected to nervous tension for hours
together at the key, many of them unfortunately
took to drink, and having ended one engagement in
a city by a debauch that closed the doors of the
office to them, would drift away to the nearest town,
and there securing work, would repeat the performance.
At one time, indeed, these men were so numerous
and so much in evidence as to constitute a type
that the public was disposed to accept as representative
of the telegraphic fraternity; but as the conditions
creating him ceased to exist, the "tramp
operator" also passed into history. It was, however,
among such characters that Edison was very largely
thrown in these early days of aimless drifting, to learn
something perhaps of their nonchalant philosophy of
life, sharing bed and board with them under all kinds
of adverse conditions, but always maintaining a stoic
abstemiousness, and never feeling other than a keen
regret at the waste of so much genuine ability and
kindliness on the part of those knights errant of the
key whose inevitable fate might so easily have been
his own.
Such a class or group of men can always be presented
by an individual type, and this is assuredly
best embodied in Milton F. Adams, one of Edison's
earliest and closest friends, to whom reference will
be made in later chapters, and whose life has been
so full of adventurous episodes that he might well be
regarded as the modern Gil Blas. That career is
certainly well worth the telling as "another story,"
to use the Kipling phrase. Of him Edison says:
"Adams was one of a class of operators never satisfied
to work at any place for any great length of
time. He had the `wanderlust.' After enjoying hospitality
in Boston in 1868-69, on the floor of my hall-
bedroom, which was a paradise for the entomologist,
while the boarding-house itself was run on the banting
system of flesh reduction, he came to me one day
and said: `Good-bye, Edison; I have got sixty cents,
and I am going to San Francisco.' And he did go.
How, I never knew personally. I learned afterward
that he got a job there, and then within a week they
had a telegraphers' strike. He got a big torch and
sold patent medicine on the streets at night to support
the strikers. Then he went to Peru as partner
of a man who had a grizzly bear which they proposed
entering against a bull in the bull-ring in that city.
The grizzly was killed in five minutes, and so the
scheme died. Then Adams crossed the Andes, and
started a market-report bureau in Buenos Ayres.
This didn't pay, so he started a restaurant in Pernambuco,
Brazil. There he did very well, but something
went wrong (as it always does to a nomad), so
he went to the Transvaal, and ran a panorama called
`Paradise Lost' in the Kaffir kraals. This didn't
pay, and he became the editor of a newspaper; then
went to England to raise money for a railroad in Cape
Colony. Next I heard of him in New York, having
just arrived from Bogota, United States of Colombia,
with a power of attorney and $2000 from a native
of that republic, who had applied for a patent for
tightening a belt to prevent it from slipping on a
pulley--a device which he thought a new and great
invention, but which was in use ever since machinery
was invented. I gave Adams, then, a position as salesman
for electrical apparatus. This he soon got tired
of, and I lost sight of him." Adams, in speaking of
this episode, says that when he asked for transportation
expenses to St. Louis, Edison pulled out of his
pocket a ferry ticket to Hoboken, and said to his
associates: "I'll give him that, and he'll get there
all right." This was in the early days of electric
lighting; but down to the present moment the peregrinations
of this versatile genius of the key have
never ceased in one hemisphere or the other, so that
as Mr. Adams himself remarked to the authors in
April, 1908: "The life has been somewhat variegated,
but never dull."
The fact remains also that throughout this period
Edison, while himself a very Ishmael, never ceased
to study, explore, experiment. Referring to this beginning
of his career, he mentions a curious fact that
throws light on his ceaseless application. "After I
became a telegraph operator," he says, "I practiced
for a long time to become a rapid reader of print, and
got so expert I could sense the meaning of a whole
line at once. This faculty, I believe, should be taught
in schools, as it appears to be easily acquired. Then
one can read two or three books in a day, whereas if
each word at a time only is sensed, reading is laborious."
CHAPTER V
ARDUOUS YEARS IN THE CENTRAL WEST
IN 1903, when accepting the position of honorary
electrician to the International Exposition held in
St. Louis in 1904, to commemorate the centenary of
the Louisiana Purchase, Mr. Edison spoke in his
letter of the Central West as a "region where as a
young telegraph operator I spent many arduous years
before moving East." The term of probation thus
referred to did not end until 1868, and while it lasted
Edison's wanderings carried him from Detroit to New
Orleans, and took him, among other cities, to Indianapolis,
Cincinnati, Louisville, and Memphis, some of
which he visited twice in his peregrinations to secure
work. From Canada, after the episodes noted in the
last chapter, he went to Adrian, Michigan, and of
what happened there Edison tells a story typical of
his wanderings for several years to come. "After
leaving my first job at Stratford Junction, I got a
position as operator on the Lake Shore & Michigan
Southern at Adrian, Michigan, in the division superintendent's
office. As usual, I took the `night trick,'
which most operators disliked, but which I preferred,
as it gave me more leisure to experiment. I had obtained
from the station agent a small room, and had
established a little shop of my own. One day the day
operator wanted to get off, and I was on duty. About
9 o'clock the superintendent handed me a despatch
which he said was very important, and which I must
get off at once. The wire at the time was very busy,
and I asked if I should break in. I got orders to do
so, and acting under those orders of the superintendent,
I broke in and tried to send the despatch; but
the other operator would not permit it, and the struggle
continued for ten minutes. Finally I got possession
of the wire and sent the message. The superintendent
of telegraph, who then lived in Adrian and
went to his office in Toledo every day, happened that
day to be in the Western Union office up-town--and
it was the superintendent I was really struggling
with! In about twenty minutes he arrived livid with
rage, and I was discharged on the spot. I informed
him that the general superintendent had told me to
break in and send the despatch, but the general
superintendent then and there repudiated the whole
thing. Their families were socially close, so I was
sacrificed. My faith in human nature got a slight
jar."
Edison then went to Toledo and secured a position
at Fort Wayne, on the Pittsburg, Fort Wayne &
Chicago Railroad, now leased to the Pennsylvania
system. This was a "day job," and he did not like
it. He drifted two months later to Indianapolis,
arriving there in the fall of 1864, when he was at first
assigned to duty at the Union Station at a salary
of $75 a month for the Western Union Telegraph
Company, whose service he now entered, and with
which he has been destined to maintain highly im-
portent and close relationships throughout a large
part of his life. Superintendent Wallick appears to
have treated him generously and to have loaned him
instruments, a kindness that was greatly appreciated,
for twenty years later the inventor called on his old
employer, and together they visited the scene where
the borrowed apparatus had been mounted on a
rough board in the depot. Edison did not stay long
in Indianapolis, however, resigning in February, 1865,
and proceeding to Cincinnati. The transfer was possibly
due to trouble caused by one of his early inventions
embodying what has been characterized by
an expert as "probably the most simple and ingenious
arrangement of connections for a repeater."
His ambition was to take "press report," but finding,
even after considerable practice, that he "broke"
frequently, he adjusted two embossing Morse registers
--one to receive the press matter, and the other to repeat
the dots and dashes at a lower speed, so that the
message could be copied leisurely. Hence he could
not be rushed or "broken" in receiving, while he
could turn out "copy" that was a marvel of neatness
and clearness. All was well so long as ordinary conditions
prevailed, but when an unusual pressure occurred
the little system fell behind, and the newspapers complained
of the slowness with which reports were delivered
to them. It is easy to understand that with
matter received at a rate of forty words per minute
and worked off at twenty-five words per minute a
serious congestion or delay would result, and the
newspapers were more anxious for the news than they
were for fine penmanship.
Of this device Mr. Edison remarks: "Together we
took press for several nights, my companion keeping
the apparatus in adjustment and I copying. The
regular press operator would go to the theatre or
take a nap, only finishing the report after 1 A.M. One
of the newspapers complained of bad copy toward
the end of the report--that, is from 1 to 3 A.M., and
requested that the operator taking the report up to
1 A.M.--which was ourselves--take it all, as the copy
then was perfectly unobjectionable. This led to an
investigation by the manager, and the scheme was
forbidden.
"This instrument, many years afterward, was applied
by me for transferring messages from one wire to
any other wire simultaneously, or after any interval
of time. It consisted of a disk of paper, the indentations
being formed in a volute spiral, exactly as in
the disk phonograph to-day. It was this instrument
which gave me the idea of the phonograph while working
on the telephone."
Arrived in Cincinnati, where he got employment in
the Western Union commercial telegraph department
at a wage of $60 per month, Edison made the
acquaintance of Milton F. Adams, already referred to
as facile princeps the typical telegrapher in all his
more sociable and brilliant aspects. Speaking of that
time, Mr. Adams says: "I can well recall when Edison
drifted in to take a job. He was a youth of about
eighteen years, decidedly unprepossessing in dress and
rather uncouth in manner. I was twenty-one, and
very dudish. He was quite thin in those days, and
his nose was very prominent, giving a Napoleonic
look to his face, although the curious resemblance did
not strike me at the time. The boys did not take to
him cheerfully, and he was lonesome. I sympathized
with him, and we became close companions. As an
operator he had no superiors and very few equals.
Most of the time he was monkeying with the batteries
and circuits, and devising things to make the work of
telegraphy less irksome. He also relieved the monotony
of office-work by fitting up the battery circuits
to play jokes on his fellow-operators, and to deal with
the vermin that infested the premises. He arranged
in the cellar what he called his `rat paralyzer,' a very
simple contrivance consisting of two plates insulated
from each other and connected with the main battery.
They were so placed that when a rat passed over
them the fore feet on the one plate and the hind feet
on the other completed the circuit and the rat departed
this life, electrocuted."
Shortly after Edison's arrival at Cincinnati came
the close of the Civil War and the assassination of
President Lincoln. It was natural that telegraphers
should take an intense interest in the general struggle,
for not only did they handle all the news relating to
it, but many of them were at one time or another personal
participants. For example, one of the operators
in the Cincinnati office was George Ellsworth,
who was telegrapher for Morgan, the famous Southern
Guerrilla, and was with him when he made his raid
into Ohio and was captured near the Pennsylvania
line. Ellsworth himself made a narrow escape by
swimming the Ohio River with the aid of an army
mule. Yet we can well appreciate the unimpression-
able way in which some of the men did their work,
from an anecdote that Mr. Edison tells of that awful
night of Friday, April 14, 1865: "I noticed," he says,
"an immense crowd gathering in the street outside
a newspaper office. I called the attention of the
other operators to the crowd, and we sent a messenger
boy to find the cause of the excitement. He returned
in a few minutes and shouted `Lincoln's shot.' Instinctively
the operators looked from one face to another
to see which man had received the news. All
the faces were blank, and every man said he had not
taken a word about the shooting. `Look over your
files,' said the boss to the man handling the press
stuff. For a few moments we waited in suspense,
and then the man held up a sheet of paper containing
a short account of the shooting of the President. The
operator had worked so mechanically that he had
handled the news without the slightest knowledge of
its significance." Mr. Adams says that at the time
the city was en fete on account of the close of the
war, the name of the assassin was received by telegraph,
and it was noted with a thrill of horror that it
was that of a brother of Edwin Booth and of Junius
Brutus Booth--the latter of whom was then playing
at the old National Theatre. Booth was hurried
away into seclusion, and the next morning the city
that had been so gay over night with bunting was
draped with mourning.
Edison's diversions in Cincinnati were chiefly those
already observed. He read a great deal, but spent
most of his leisure in experiment. Mr. Adams remarks:
"Edison and I were very fond of tragedy.
Forrest and John McCullough were playing at the
National Theatre, and when our capital was sufficient
we would go to see those eminent tragedians alternate
in Othello and Iago. Edison always enjoyed Othello
greatly. Aside from an occasional visit to the Loewen
Garden `over the Rhine,' with a glass of beer and
a few pretzels, consumed while listening to the excellent
music of a German band, the theatre was the
sum and substance of our innocent dissipation."
The Cincinnati office, as a central point, appears to
have been attractive to many of the clever young
operators who graduated from it to positions of larger
responsibility. Some of them were conspicuous for
their skill and versatility. Mr. Adams tells this interesting
story as an illustration: "L. C. Weir, or Charlie,
as he was known, at that time agent for the Adams
Express Company, had the remarkable ability of taking
messages and copying them twenty-five words
behind the sender. One day he came into the operating-
room, and passing a table he heard Louisville
calling Cincinnati. He reached over to the key and
answered the call. My attention was arrested by the
fact that he walked off after responding, and the
sender happened to be a good one. Weir coolly asked
for a pen, and when he sat down the sender was just
one message ahead of him with date, address, and
signature. Charlie started in, and in a beautiful,
large, round hand copied that message. The sender
went right along, and when he finished with six messages
closed his key. When Weir had done with the
last one the sender began to think that after all there
had been no receiver, as Weir did not `break,' but
simply gave his O. K. He afterward became president
of the Adams Express, and was certainly a wonderful
operator." The operating-room referred to
was on the fifth floor of the building with no elevators.
Those were the early days of trade unionism in
telegraphy, and the movement will probably never
quite die out in the craft which has always shown so
much solidarity. While Edison was in Cincinnati a
delegation of five union operators went over from
Cleveland to form a local branch, and the occasion
was one of great conviviality. Night came, but the
unionists were conspicuous by their absence, although
more circuits than one were intolerant of delay and
clamorous for attention---eight local unionists being
away. The Cleveland report wire was in special
need, and Edison, almost alone in the office, devoted
himself to it all through the night and until 3 o'clock
the next morning, when he was relieved.
He had previously been getting $80 a month, and
had eked this out by copying plays for the theatre.
His rating was that of a "plug" or inferior operator;
but he was determined to lift himself into the class of
first-class operators, and had kept up the practice of
going to the office at night to "copy press," acting
willingly as a substitute for any operator who wanted
to get off for a few hours--which often meant all
night. Speaking of this special ordeal, for which he
had thus been unconsciously preparing, Edison says:
"My copy looked fine if viewed as a whole, as I could
write a perfectly straight line across the wide sheet,
which was not ruled. There were no flourishes, but
the individual letters would not bear close inspection.
When I missed understanding a word, there was no
time to think what it was, so I made an illegible one
to fill in, trusting to the printers to sense it. I knew
they could read anything, although Mr. Bloss, an
editor of the Inquirer, made such bad copy that one
of his editorials was pasted up on the notice-board in
the telegraph office with an offer of one dollar to any
man who could `read twenty consecutive words.' Nobody
ever did it. When I got through I was too
nervous to go home, so waited the rest of the night
for the day manager, Mr. Stevens, to see what was to
be the outcome of this Union formation and of my
efforts. He was an austere man, and I was afraid
of him. I got the morning papers, which came out
at 4 A. M., and the press report read perfectly, which
surprised me greatly. I went to work on my regular
day wire to Portsmouth, Ohio, and there was
considerable excitement, but nothing was said to me,
neither did Mr. Stevens examine the copy on the
office hook, which I was watching with great interest.
However, about 3 P. M. he went to the hook, grabbed
the bunch and looked at it as a whole without examining
it in detail, for which I was thankful. Then he
jabbed it back on the hook, and I knew I was all
right. He walked over to me, and said: `Young
man, I want you to work the Louisville wire nights;
your salary will be $125.' Thus I got from the plug
classification to that of a `first-class man.' "
But no sooner was this promotion secured than he
started again on his wanderings southward, while his
friend Adams went North, neither having any difficulty
in making the trip. "The boys in those days
had extraordinary facilities for travel. As a usual
thing it was only necessary for them to board a train
and tell the conductor they were operators. Then
they would go as far as they liked. The number of
operators was small, and they were in demand
everywhere." It was in this way Edison made his way
south as far as Memphis, Tennessee, where the telegraph
service at that time was under military law,
although the operators received $125 a month. Here
again Edison began to invent and improve on existing
apparatus, with the result of having once more
to "move on." The story may be told in his own
terse language: "I was not the inventor of the auto
repeater, but while in Memphis I worked on one.
Learning that the chief operator, who was a protege
of the superintendent, was trying in some way to put
New York and New Orleans together for the first
time since the close of the war, I redoubled my efforts,
and at 2 o'clock one morning I had them speaking
to each other. The office of the Memphis Avalanche
was in the same building. The paper got wind of it
and sent messages. A column came out in the morning
about it; but when I went to the office in the
afternoon to report for duty I was discharged with
out explanation. The superintendent would not even
give me a pass to Nashville, so I had to pay my fare.
I had so little money left that I nearly starved at
Decatur, Alabama, and had to stay three days before
going on north to Nashville. Arrived in that city, I
went to the telegraph office, got money enough to
buy a little solid food, and secured a pass to Louisville.
I had a companion with me who was also out
of a job. I arrived at Louisville on a bitterly cold
day, with ice in the gutters. I was wearing a linen
duster and was not much to look at, but got a position
at once, working on a press wire. My travelling
companion was less successful on account of his
`record.' They had a limit even in those days when
the telegraph service was so demoralized."
Some reminiscences of Mr. Edison are of interest
as bearing not only upon the "demoralized" telegraph
service, but the conditions from which the
New South had to emerge while working out its
salvation. "The telegraph was still under military
control, not having been turned over to the original
owners, the Southern Telegraph Company. In addition
to the regular force, there was an extra force
of two or three operators, and some stranded ones,
who were a burden to us, for board was high. One of
these derelicts was a great source of worry to me,
personally. He would come in at all hours and either
throw ink around or make a lot of noise. One night
he built a fire in the grate and started to throw pistol
cartridges into the flames. These would explode, and
I was twice hit by the bullets, which left a black-and-
blue mark. Another night he came in and got from
some part of the building a lot of stationery with
`Confederate States' printed at the head. He was
a fine operator, and wrote a beautiful hand. He
would take a sheet of this paper, write capital `A,
and then take another sheet and make the `A' differently;
and so on through the alphabet; each time
crumpling the paper up in his hand and throwing
it on the floor. He would keep this up until the room
was filled nearly flush with the table. Then he would
quit.
"Everything at that time was `wide open.'
Disorganization reigned supreme. There was no head
to anything. At night myself and a companion would
go over to a gorgeously furnished faro-bank and get
our midnight lunch. Everything was free. There
were over twenty keno-rooms running. One of them
that I visited was in a Baptist church, the man with
the wheel being in the pulpit, and the gamblers in
the pews.
"While there the manager of the telegraph office
was arrested for something I never understood, and
incarcerated in a military prison about half a mile
from the office. The building was in plain sight from
the office, and four stories high. He was kept strictly
incommunicado. One day, thinking he might be confined
in a room facing the office, I put my arm out
of the window and kept signalling dots and dashes
by the movement of the arm. I tried this several
times for two days. Finally he noticed it, and putting
his arm through the bars of the window he established
communication with me. He thus sent several messages
to his friends, and was afterward set free."
Another curious story told by Edison concerns a
fellow-operator on night duty at Chattanooga Junction,
at the time he was at Memphis: "When it was
reported that Hood was marching on Nashville, one
night a Jew came into the office about 11 o'clock in
great excitement, having heard the Hood rumor. He,
being a large sutler, wanted to send a message to save
his goods. The operator said it was impossible--that
orders had been given to send no private messages.
Then the Jew wanted to bribe my friend, who steadfastly
refused for the reason, as he told the Jew, that
he might be court-martialled and shot. Finally the
Jew got up to $800. The operator swore him to
secrecy and sent the message. Now there was no
such order about private messages, and the Jew, finding
it out, complained to Captain Van Duzer, chief of
telegraphs, who investigated the matter, and while he
would not discharge the operator, laid him off
indefinitely. Van Duzer was so lenient that if an
operator were discharged, all the operator had to do
was to wait three days and then go and sit on the
stoop of Van Duzer's office all day, and he would be
taken back. But Van Duzer swore he would never
give in in this case. He said that if the operator had
taken $800 and sent the message at the regular rate,
which was twenty-five cents, it would have been all
right, as the Jew would be punished for trying to
bribe a military operator; but when the operator took
the $800 and then sent the message deadhead, he
couldn't stand it, and he would never relent."
A third typical story of this period deals with a
cipher message for Thomas. Mr. Edison narrates it
as follows: "When I was an operator in Cincinnati
working the Louisville wire nights for a time, one
night a man over on the Pittsburg wire yelled out:
`D. I. cipher,' which meant that there was a cipher
message from the War Department at Washington
and that it was coming--and he yelled out `Louisville.'
I started immediately to call up that place.
It was just at the change of shift in the office. I
could not get Louisville, and the cipher message began
to come. It was taken by the operator on the other
table direct from the War Department. It was for
General Thomas, at Nashville. I called for about
twenty minutes and notified them that I could not
get Louisville. I kept at it for about fifteen minutes
longer, and notified them that there was still no
answer from Louisville. They then notified the War
Department that they could not get Louisville. Then
we tried to get it by all kinds of roundabout ways,
but in no case could anybody get them at that office.
Soon a message came from the War Department to
send immediately for the manager of the Cincinnati
office. He was brought to the office and several
messages were exchanged, the contents of which, of course,
I did not know, but the matter appeared to be very
serious, as they were afraid of General Hood, of the
Confederate Army, who was then attempting to march
on Nashville; and it was very important that this
cipher of about twelve hundred words or so should
be got through immediately to General Thomas. I
kept on calling up to 12 or 1 o'clock, but no Louisville.
About 1 o'clock the operator at the Indianapolis
office got hold of an operator on a wire which ran
from Indianapolis to Louisville along the railroad,
who happened to come into his office. He arranged
with this operator to get a relay of horses, and the
message was sent through Indianapolis to this operator
who had engaged horses to carry the despatches to
Louisville and find out the trouble, and get the
despatches through without delay to General Thomas.
In those days the telegraph fraternity was rather
demoralized, and the discipline was very lax. It was
found out a couple of days afterward that there were
three night operators at Louisville. One of them had
gone over to Jeffersonville and had fallen off a horse
and broken his leg, and was in a hospital. By a
remarkable coincidence another of the men had been
stabbed in a keno-room, and was also in hospital
while the third operator had gone to Cynthiana to
see a man hanged and had got left by the train."
I think the most important line of
investigation is the production of
Electricity direct from carbon.
Edison
Young Edison remained in Louisville for about
two years, quite a long stay for one with such nomadic
instincts. It was there that he perfected the peculiar
vertical style of writing which, beginning with him in
telegraphy, later became so much of a fad with teachers
of penmanship and in the schools. He says of this form
of writing, a current example of which is given above:
"I developed this style in Louisville while taking press
reports. My wire was connected to the `blind' side
of a repeater at Cincinnati, so that if I missed a word
or sentence, or if the wire worked badly, I could not
break in and get the last words, because the Cincinnati
man had no instrument by which he could
hear me. I had to take what came. When I got the
job, the cable across the Ohio River at Covington,
connecting with the line to Louisville, had a variable
leak in it, which caused the strength of the signalling
current to make violent fluctuations. I obviated this
by using several relays, each with a different adjustment,
working several sounders all connected with
one sounding-plate. The clatter was bad, but I could
read it with fair ease. When, in addition to this infernal
leak, the wires north to Cleveland worked badly,
it required a large amount of imagination to get
the sense of what was being sent. An imagination
requires an appreciable time for its exercise, and as
the stuff was coming at the rate of thirty-five to forty
words a minute, it was very difficult to write down
what was coming and imagine what wasn't coming.
Hence it was necessary to become a very rapid writer,
so I started to find the fastest style. I found that the
vertical style, with each letter separate and without
any flourishes, was the most rapid, and that the
smaller the letter the greater the rapidity. As I took
on an average from eight to fifteen columns of news
report every day, it did not take long to perfect this
method." Mr. Edison has adhered to this characteristic
style of penmanship down to the present
time.
As a matter of fact, the conditions at Louisville
at that time were not much better than they had been
at Memphis. The telegraph operating-room was in
a deplorable condition. It was on the second story
of a dilapidated building on the principal street of
the city, with the battery-room in the rear; behind
which was the office of the agent of the Associated
Press. The plastering was about one-third gone from
the ceiling. A small stove, used occasionally in the
winter, was connected to the chimney by a tortuous
pipe. The office was never cleaned. The switchboard
for manipulating the wires was about thirty-
four inches square. The brass connections on it were
black with age and with the arcing effects of lightning,
which, to young Edison, seemed particularly partial
to Louisville. "It would strike on the wires," he
says, "with an explosion like a cannon-shot, making
that office no place for an operator with heart-disease."
Around the dingy walls were a dozen tables, the ends
next to the wall. They were about the size of those
seen in old-fashioned country hotels for holding
the wash-bowl and pitcher. The copper wires
connecting the instruments to the switchboard were
small, crystallized, and rotten. The battery-room
was filled with old record-books and message bundles,
and one hundred cells of nitric-acid battery, arranged
on a stand in the centre of the room. This stand, as
well as the floor, was almost eaten through by the
destructive action of the powerful acid. Grim and
uncompromising as the description reads, it was
typical of the equipment in those remote days of
the telegraph at the close of the war.
Illustrative of the length to which telegraphers
could go at a time when they were so much in de-
mand, Edison tells the following story: "When I took
the position there was a great shortage of operators.
One night at 2 A.M. another operator and I were on
duty. I was taking press report, and the other man
was working the New York wire. We heard a heavy
tramp, tramp, tramp on the rickety stairs. Suddenly
the door was thrown open with great violence,
dislodging it from one of the hinges. There appeared in
the doorway one of the best operators we had, who
worked daytime, and who was of a very quiet
disposition except when intoxicated. He was a great
friend of the manager of the office. His eyes were
bloodshot and wild, and one sleeve had been torn
away from his coat. Without noticing either of us
he went up to the stove and kicked it over. The
stove-pipe fell, dislocated at every joint. It was half
full of exceedingly fine soot, which floated out and
filled the room completely. This produced a
momentary respite to his labors. When the atmosphere
had cleared sufficiently to see, he went around
and pulled every table away from the wall, piling
them on top of the stove in the middle of the room.
Then he proceeded to pull the switchboard away from
the wall. It was held tightly by screws. He succeeded,
finally, and when it gave way he fell with
the board, and striking on a table cut himself so that
he soon became covered with blood. He then went
to the battery-room and knocked all the batteries off
on the floor. The nitric acid soon began to combine
with the plaster in the room below, which was the
public receiving-room for messengers and bookkeepers.
The excess acid poured through and ate up
the account-books. After having finished everything
to his satisfaction, he left. I told the other operator
to do nothing. We would leave things just as they
were, and wait until the manager came. In the
mean time, as I knew all the wires coming through to
the switchboard, I rigged up a temporary set of
instruments so that the New York business could be cleared
up, and we also got the remainder of the press matter.
At 7 o'clock the day men began to appear. They
were told to go down-stairs and wait the coming of
the manager. At 8 o'clock he appeared, walked
around, went into the battery-room, and then came
to me, saying: `Edison, who did this?' I told him
that Billy L. had come in full of soda-water and
invented the ruin before him. He walked backward
and forward, about a minute, then coming up to my
table put his fist down, and said: `If Billy L. ever
does that again, I will discharge him.' It was needless
to say that there were other operators who took
advantage of that kind of discipline, and I had many
calls at night after that, but none with such destructive
effects."
This was one aspect of life as it presented itself to
the sensitive and observant young operator in Louisville.
But there was another, more intellectual side,
in the contact afforded with journalism and its leaders,
and the information taken in almost unconsciously
as to the political and social movements of the time.
Mr. Edison looks back on this with great satisfaction.
"I remember," he says, "the discussions between the
celebrated poet and journalist George D. Prentice,
then editor of the Courier-Journal, and Mr. Tyler, of
the Associated Press. I believe Prentice was the
father of the humorous paragraph of the American
newspaper. He was poetic, highly educated, and a
brilliant talker. He was very thin and small. I do
not think he weighed over one hundred and twenty
five pounds. Tyler was a graduate of Harvard, and
had a very clear enunciation, and, in sharp contrast
to Prentice, he was a large man. After the paper had
gone to press, Prentice would generally come over to
Tyler's office and start talking. Having while in
Tyler's office heard them arguing on the immortality
of the soul, etc., I asked permission of Mr. Tyler if,
after finishing the press matter, I might come in and
listen to the conversation, which I did many times
after. One thing I never could comprehend was that
Tyler had a sideboard with liquors and generally
crackers. Prentice would pour out half a glass of
what they call corn whiskey, and would dip the
crackers in it and eat them. Tyler took it sans food.
One teaspoonful of that stuff would put me to sleep."
Mr. Edison throws also a curious side-light on the
origin of the comic column in the modern American
newspaper, the telegraph giving to a new joke or a
good story the ubiquity and instantaneity of an important
historical event. "It was the practice of the
press operators all over the country at that time, when
a lull occurred, to start in and send jokes or stories
the day men had collected; and these were copied
and pasted up on the bulletin-board. Cleveland was
the originating office for `press,' which it received
from New York, and sent it out simultaneously to
Milwaukee, Chicago, Toledo, Detroit, Pittsburg,
Columbus, Dayton, Cincinnati, Indianapolis, Vincennes,
Terre Haute, St. Louis, and Louisville.
Cleveland would call first on Milwaukee, if he had
anything. If so, he would send it, and Cleveland
would repeat it to all of us. Thus any joke or story
originating anywhere in that area was known the
next day all over. The press men would come in
and copy anything which could be published, which
was about three per cent. I collected, too, quite a
large scrap-book of it, but unfortunately have lost it."
Edison tells an amusing story of his own pursuits
at this time. Always an omnivorous reader, he had
some difficulty in getting a sufficient quantity of
literature for home consumption, and was in the habit
of buying books at auctions and second-hand stores.
One day at an auction-room he secured a stack of
twenty unbound volumes of the North American
Review for two dollars. These he had bound and delivered
at the telegraph office. One morning, when
he was free as usual at 3 o'clock, he started off at a
rapid pace with ten volumes on his shoulder. He
found himself very soon the subject of a fusillade.
When he stopped, a breathless policeman grabbed him
by the throat and ordered him to drop his parcel and
explain matters, as a suspicious character. He opened
the package showing the books, somewhat to the
disgust of the officer, who imagined he had caught a
burglar sneaking away in the dark alley with his
booty. Edison explained that being deaf he had
heard no challenge, and therefore had kept moving;
and the policeman remarked apologetically that it
was fortunate for Edison he was not a better shot.
The incident is curiously revelatory of the character
of the man, for it must be admitted that while literary
telegraphers are by no means scarce, there are very
few who would spend scant savings on back numbers
of a ponderous review at an age when tragedy, beer,
and pretzels are far more enticing. Through all his
travels Edison has preserved those books, and has
them now in his library at Llewellyn Park, on Orange
Mountain, New Jersey.
Drifting after a time from Louisville, Edison made
his way as far north as Detroit, but, like the famous
Duke of York, soon made his way back again. Possibly
the severer discipline after the happy-go-lucky
regime in the Southern city had something to do with
this restlessness, which again manifested itself, however,
on his return thither. The end of the war had
left the South a scene of destruction and desolation,
and many men who had fought bravely and well
found it hard to reconcile themselves to the grim
task of reconstruction. To them it seemed better to
"let ill alone" and seek some other clime where
conditions would be less onerous. At this moment a
great deal of exaggerated talk was current as to the
sunny life and easy wealth of Latin America, and
under its influences many "unreconstructed" Southerners
made their way to Mexico, Brazil, Peru, or the
Argentine. Telegraph operators were naturally in
touch with this movement, and Edison's fertile imagination
was readily inflamed by the glowing idea of
all these vague possibilities. Again he threw up his
steady work and, with a couple of sanguine young
friends, made his way to New Orleans. They had the
notion of taking positions in the Brazilian Government
telegraphs, as an advertisement had been inserted
in some paper stating that operators were
wanted. They had timed their departure from Louisville
so as to catch a specially chartered steamer,
which was to leave New Orleans for Brazil on a
certain day, to convey a large number of Confederates
and their families, who were disgusted with the
United States and were going to settle in Brazil,
where slavery still prevailed. Edison and his friends
arrived in New Orleans just at the time of the great
riot, when several hundred negroes were killed, and
the city was in the hands of a mob. The Government
had seized the steamer chartered for Brazil, in order
to bring troops from the Yazoo River to New Orleans
to stop the rioting. The young operators therefore
visited another shipping-office to make inquiries as
to vessels for Brazil, and encountered an old Spaniard
who sat in a chair near the steamer agent's desk, and
to whom they explained their intentions. He had
lived and worked in South America, and was very
emphatic in his assertion, as he shook his yellow, bony
finger at them, that the worst mistake they could
possibly make would be to leave the United States.
He would not leave on any account, and they as
young Americans would always regret it if they forsook
their native land, whose freedom, climate, and
opportunities could not be equalled anywhere on the
face of the globe. Such sincere advice as this could
not be disdained, and Edison made his way North
again. One cannot resist speculation as to what might
have happened to Edison himself and to the develop-
ment of electricity had he made this proposed plunge
into the enervating tropics. It will be remembered
that at a somewhat similar crisis in life young Robert
Burns entertained seriously the idea of forsaking
Scotland for the West Indies. That he did not go
was certainly better for Scottish verse, to which he
contributed later so many immortal lines; and it was
probably better for himself, even if he died a gauger.
It is simply impossible to imagine Edison working
out the phonograph, telephone, and incandescent
lamp under the tropical climes he sought. Some years
later he was informed that both his companions had
gone to Vera Cruz, Mexico, and had died there of
yellow fever.
Work was soon resumed at Louisville, where the
dilapidated old office occupied at the close of the war
had been exchanged for one much more comfortable
and luxurious in its equipment. As before, Edison
was allotted to press report, and remembers very
distinctly taking the Presidential message and veto of
the District of Columbia bill by President Johnson.
As the matter was received over the wire he paragraphed
it so that each printer had exactly three
lines, thus enabling the matter to be set up very
expeditiously in the newspaper offices. This earned
him the gratitude of the editors, a dinner, and all the
newspaper "exchanges" he wanted. Edison's accounts
of the sprees and debauches of other night
operators in the loosely managed offices enable one to
understand how even a little steady application to
the work in hand would be appreciated. On one
occasion Edison acted as treasurer for his bibulous
companions, holding the stakes, so to speak, in order
that the supply of liquor might last longer. One of
the mildest mannered of the party took umbrage at
the parsimony of the treasurer and knocked him
down, whereupon the others in the party set upon
the assailant and mauled him so badly that he had
to spend three weeks in hospital. At another time
two of his companions sharing the temporary
hospitality of his room smashed most of the furniture,
and went to bed with their boots on. Then his kindly
good-nature rebelled. "I felt that this was running
hospitality into the ground, so I pulled them out and left
them on the floor to cool off from their alcoholic trance."
Edison seems on the whole to have been fairly
comfortable and happy in Louisville, surrounding himself
with books and experimental apparatus, and even
inditing a treatise on electricity. But his very thirst
for knowledge and new facts again proved his undoing.
The instruments in the handsome new offices
were fastened in their proper places, and operators
were strictly forbidden to remove them, or to use the
batteries except on regular work. This prohibition
meant little to Edison, who had access to no other
instruments except those of the company. "I went
one night," he says, "into the battery-room to obtain
some sulphuric acid for experimenting. The carboy
tipped over, the acid ran out, went through to the
manager's room below, and ate up his desk and all the
carpet. The next morning I was summoned before
him, and told that what the company wanted was
operators, not experimenters. I was at liberty to
take my pay and get out."
The fact that Edison is a very studious man, an
insatiate lover and reader of books, is well known to
his associates; but surprise is often expressed at his
fund of miscellaneous information. This, it will be
seen, is partly explained by his work for years as a
"press" reporter. He says of this: "The second
time I was in Louisville, they had moved into a new
office, and the discipline was now good. I took the
press job. In fact, I was a very poor sender, and
therefore made the taking of press report a specialty.
The newspaper men allowed me to come over after
going to press at 3 A.M. and get all the exchanges I
wanted. These I would take home and lay at the
foot of my bed. I never slept more than four or five
hours' so that I would awake at nine or ten and read
these papers until dinner-time. I thus kept posted,
and knew from their activity every member of Congress,
and what committees they were on; and all
about the topical doings, as well as the prices of
breadstuffs in all the primary markets. I was in a
much better position than most operators to call on
my imagination to supply missing words or sentences,
which were frequent in those days of old, rotten
wires, badly insulated, especially on stormy nights.
Upon such occasions I had to supply in some cases
one-fifth of the whole matter--pure guessing--but I
got caught only once. There had been some kind of
convention in Virginia, in which John Minor Botts
was the leading figure. There was great excitement
about it, and two votes had been taken in the
convention on the two days. There was no doubt that
the vote the next day would go a certain way. A
very bad storm came up about 10 o'clock, and my
wire worked very badly. Then there was a cessation
of all signals; then I made out the words `Minor
Botts.' The next was a New York item. I filled in
a paragraph about the convention and how the vote
had gone, as I was sure it would. But next day I
learned that instead of there being a vote the
convention had adjourned without action until the day
after." In like manner, it was at Louisville that Mr.
Edison got an insight into the manner in which great
political speeches are more frequently reported than
the public suspects. "The Associated Press had a
shorthand man travelling with President Johnson
when he made his celebrated swing around the circle
in a private train delivering hot speeches in defence
of his conduct. The man engaged me to write out
the notes from his reading. He came in loaded and
on the verge of incoherence. We started in, but about
every two minutes I would have to scratch out whole
paragraphs and insert the same things said in another
and better way. He would frequently change words,
always to the betterment of the speech. I couldn't
understand this, and when he got through, and I had
copied about three columns, I asked him why those
changes, if he read from notes. `Sonny,' he said,
`if these politicians had their speeches published as
they deliver them, a great many shorthand writers
would be out of a job. The best shorthanders and
the holders of good positions are those who can take
a lot of rambling, incoherent stuff and make a rattling
good speech out of it.' "
Going back to Cincinnati and beginning his second
term there as an operator, Edison found the office
in new quarters and with greatly improved management.
He was again put on night duty, much to his
satisfaction. He rented a room in the top floor of an
office building, bought a cot and an oil-stove, a foot
lathe, and some tools. He cultivated the acquaintance
of Mr. Sommers, superintendent of telegraph of
the Cincinnati & Indianapolis Railroad, who gave
him permission to take such scrap apparatus as he
might desire, that was of no use to the company.
With Sommers on one occasion he had an opportunity
to indulge his always strong sense of humor. "Sommers
was a very witty man," he says, "and fond of
experimenting. We worked on a self-adjusting telegraph
relay, which would have been very valuable if
we could have got it. I soon became the possessor
of a second-hand Ruhmkorff induction coil, which,
although it would only give a small spark, would
twist the arms and clutch the hands of a man so that
he could not let go of the apparatus. One day we
went down to the round-house of the Cincinnati &
Indianapolis Railroad and connected up the long wash-
tank in the room with the coil, one electrode being
connected to earth. Above this wash-room was a
flat roof. We bored a hole through the roof, and
could see the men as they came in. The first man
as he entered dipped his hands in the water. The
floor being wet he formed a circuit, and up went his
hands. He tried it the second time, with the same
result. He then stood against the wall with a
puzzled expression. We surmised that he was waiting
for somebody else to come in, which occurred
shortly after--with the same result. Then they went
out, and the place was soon crowded, and there was
considerable excitement. Various theories were
broached to explain the curious phenomenon. We
enjoyed the sport immensely." It must be remembered
that this was over forty years ago, when there
was no popular instruction in electricity, and when
its possibilities for practical joking were known to
very few. To-day such a crowd of working-men
would be sure to include at least one student of a
night school or correspondence course who would
explain the mystery offhand.
Note has been made of the presence of Ellsworth
in the Cincinnati office, and his service with the
Confederate guerrilla Morgan, for whom he tapped
Federal wires, read military messages, sent false ones,
and did serious mischief generally. It is well known
that one operator can recognize another by the way
in which he makes his signals--it is his style of
handwriting. Ellsworth possessed in a remarkable degree
the skill of imitating these peculiarities, and thus he
deceived the Union operators easily. Edison says
that while apparently a quiet man in bearing, Ellsworth,
after the excitement of fighting, found the
tameness of a telegraph office obnoxious, and that he
became a bad "gun man" in the Panhandle of Texas,
where he was killed. "We soon became acquainted,"
says Edison of this period in Cincinnati, "and he
wanted me to invent a secret method of sending
despatches so that an intermediate operator could not
tap the wire and understand it. He said that if it
could be accomplished, he could sell it to the Govern-
ment for a large sum of money. This suited me, and
I started in and succeeded in making such an
instrument, which had in it the germ of my quadruplex
now used throughout the world, permitting the despatch
of four messages over one wire simultaneously.
By the time I had succeeded in getting the apparatus
to work, Ellsworth suddenly disappeared. Many
years afterward I used this little device again for the
same purpose. At Menlo Park, New Jersey, I had
my laboratory. There were several Western Union
wires cut into the laboratory, and used by me in
experimenting at night. One day I sat near an instrument
which I had left connected during the night.
I soon found it was a private wire between New York
and Philadelphia, and I heard among a lot of stuff
a message that surprised me. A week after that I
had occasion to go to New York, and, visiting the
office of the lessee of the wire, I asked him if he hadn't
sent such and such a message. The expression that
came over his face was a sight. He asked me how I
knew of any message. I told him the circumstances,
and suggested that he had better cipher such
communications, or put on a secret sounder. The result
of the interview was that I installed for him my old
Cincinnati apparatus, which was used thereafter for
many years."
Edison did not make a very long stay in Cincinnati
this time, but went home after a while to Port Huron.
Soon tiring of idleness and isolation he sent "a cry
from Macedonia" to his old friend "Milt" Adams,
who was in Boston, and whom he wished to rejoin if
he could get work promptly in the East.
Edison himself gives the details of this eventful
move, when he went East to grow up with the new
art of electricity. "I had left Louisville the second
time, and went home to see my parents. After
stopping at home for some time, I got restless, and
thought I would like to work in the East. Knowing
that a former operator named Adams, who had worked
with me in the Cincinnati office, was in Boston, I wrote
him that I wanted a job there. He wrote back that
if I came on immediately he could get me in the
Western Union office. I had helped out the Grand
Trunk Railroad telegraph people by a new device
when they lost one of the two submarine cables they
had across the river, making the remaining cable
act just as well for their purpose, as if they had two.
I thought I was entitled to a pass, which they
conceded; and I started for Boston. After leaving
Toronto a terrific blizzard came up and the train got
snowed under in a cut. After staying there twenty-
four hours, the trainmen made snowshoes of fence-
rail splints and started out to find food, which they did
about a half mile away. They found a roadside inn,
and by means of snowshoes all the passengers were
taken to the inn. The train reached Montreal four
days late. A number of the passengers and myself
went to the military headquarters to testify in favor of
a soldier who was on furlough, and was two days late,
which was a serious matter with military people, I
learned. We willingly did this, for this soldier was
a great story-teller, and made the time pass quickly.
I met here a telegraph operator named Stanton,
who took me to his boarding-house, the most cheer-
less I have ever been in. Nobody got enough to eat;
the bedclothes were too short and too thin; it was
28 degrees below zero, and the wash-water was frozen
solid. The board was cheap, being only $1.50 per
week.
"Stanton said that the usual live-stock accompaniment
of operators' boarding-houses was absent;
he thought the intense cold had caused them
to hibernate. Stanton, when I was working in Cincinnati,
left his position and went out on the Union
Pacific to work at Julesburg, which was a cattle town
at that time and very tough. I remember seeing him
off on the train, never expecting to see him again.
Six months afterward, while working press wire in
Cincinnati, about 2 A.M., there was flung into the middle
of the operating-room a large tin box. It made
a report like a pistol, and we all jumped up startled.
In walked Stanton. `Gentlemen,' he said `I have
just returned from a pleasure trip to the land beyond
the Mississippi. All my wealth is contained in my
metallic travelling case and you are welcome to it.'
The case contained one paper collar. He sat down,
and I noticed that he had a woollen comforter around
his neck with his coat buttoned closely. The night
was intensely warm. He then opened his coat and
revealed the fact that he had nothing but the bare
skin. `Gentlemen,' said he, `you see before you an
operator who has reached the limit of impecuniosity.' "
Not far from the limit of impecuniosity was Edison
himself, as he landed in Boston in 1868 after this
wintry ordeal.
This chapter has run to undue length, but it must
not close without one citation from high authority
as to the service of the military telegraph corps so
often referred to in it. General Grant in his
Memoirs, describing the movements of the Army of
the Potomac, lays stress on the service of his
telegraph operators, and says: "Nothing could be more
complete than the organization and discipline of this
body of brave and intelligent men. Insulated wires
were wound upon reels, two men and a mule detailed
to each reel. The pack-saddle was provided with a
rack like a sawbuck, placed crosswise, so that the
wheel would revolve freely; there was a wagon provided
with a telegraph operator, battery, and instruments
for each division corps and army, and for my
headquarters. Wagons were also loaded with light
poles supplied with an iron spike at each end to hold
the wires up. The moment troops were in position
to go into camp, the men would put up their wires.
Thus in a few minutes' longer time than it took a
mule to walk the length of its coil, telegraphic
communication would be effected between all the
headquarters of the army. No orders ever had to be given
to establish the telegraph."
CHAPTER VI
WORK AND INVENTION IN BOSTON
MILTON ADAMS was working in the office of the
Franklin Telegraph Company in Boston when
he received Edison's appeal from Port Huron, and
with characteristic impetuosity at once made it his
business to secure a position for his friend. There
was no opening in the Franklin office, so Adams went
over to the Western Union office, and asked the manager,
Mr. George F. Milliken, if he did not want an
operator who, like young Lochinvar, came out of the
West. "What kind of copy does he make?" was the
cautious response. "I passed Edison's letter through
the window for his inspection. Milliken read it, and
a look of surprise came over his countenance as he
asked me if he could take it off the line like that. I
said he certainly could, and that there was nobody
who could stick him. Milliken said that if he was that
kind of an operator I could send for him, and I wrote
to Edison to come on, as I had a job for him in the
main office of the Western Union." Meantime Edison
had secured his pass over the Grand Trunk Railroad,
and spent four days and nights on the journey, suffering
extremes of cold and hunger. Franklin's arrival
in Philadelphia finds its parallel in the very modest
debut of Adams's friend in Boston.
It took only five minutes for Edison to get the
"job," for Superintendent Milliken, a fine type of
telegraph official, saw quickly through the superficialities,
and realized that it was no ordinary young
operator he was engaging. Edison himself tells the
story of what happened. "The manager asked me
when I was ready to go to work. `Now,' I replied
I was then told to return at 5.30 P.M., and punctually
at that hour I entered the main operating-room and
was introduced to the night manager. The weather
being cold, and being clothed poorly, my peculiar
appearance caused much mirth, and, as I afterward
learned, the night operators had consulted together
how they might `put up a job on the jay from the
woolly West.' I was given a pen and assigned to
the New York No. 1 wire. After waiting an hour,
I was told to come over to a special table and take a
special report for the Boston Herald, the conspirators
having arranged to have one of the fastest senders
in New York send the despatch and `salt' the new
man. I sat down unsuspiciously at the table, and
the New York man started slowly. Soon he increased
his speed, to which I easily adapted my
pace. This put my rival on his mettle, and he put
on his best powers, which, however, were soon reached.
At this point I happened to look up, and saw the
operators all looking over my shoulder, with their
faces shining with fun and excitement. I knew then
that they were trying to put up a job on me, but
kept my own counsel. The New York man then
commenced to slur over his words, running them together
and sticking the signals; but I had been used
to this style of telegraphy in taking report, and was
not in the least discomfited. Finally, when I thought
the fun had gone far enough, and having about completed
the special, I quietly opened the key and remarked,
telegraphically, to my New York friend:
`Say, young man, change off and send with your
other foot.' This broke the New York man all up,
and he turned the job over to another man to finish."
Edison had a distaste for taking press report, due
to the fact that it was steady, continuous work, and
interfered with the studies and investigations that
could be carried on in the intervals of ordinary
commercial telegraphy. He was not lazy in any sense.
While he had no very lively interest in the mere
routine work of a telegraph office, he had the profoundest
curiosity as to the underlying principles of
electricity that made telegraphy possible, and he
had an unflagging desire and belief in his own ability
to improve the apparatus he handled daily. The
whole intellectual atmosphere of Boston was favorable
to the development of the brooding genius in
this shy, awkward, studious youth, utterly indifferent
to clothes and personal appearance, but ready to
spend his last dollar on books and scientific
paraphernalia. It is matter of record that he did once
buy a new suit for thirty dollars in Boston, but the
following Sunday, while experimenting with acids in
his little workshop, the suit was spoiled. "That is
what I get for putting so much money in a new suit,"
was the laconic remark of the youth, who was more
than delighted to pick up a complete set of Faraday's
works about the same time. Adams says that when
Edison brought home these books at 4 A.M. he read
steadily until breakfast-time, and then he remarked,
enthusiastically: "Adams, I have got so much to do
and life is so short, I am going to hustle." And
thereupon he started on a run for breakfast. Edison
himself says: "It was in Boston I bought Faraday's
works. I think I must have tried about everything
in those books. His explanations were simple. He
used no mathematics. He was the Master Experimenter.
I don't think there were many copies of
Faraday's works sold in those days. The only people
who did anything in electricity were the
telegraphers and the opticians making simple school
apparatus to demonstrate the principles." One of
these firms was Palmer & Hall, whose catalogue of
1850 showed a miniature electric locomotive made
by Mr. Thomas Hall, and exhibited in operation the
following year at the Charitable Mechanics' Fair in
Boston. In 1852 Mr. Hall made for a Dr. A. L. Henderson,
of Buffalo, New York, a model line of railroad
with electric-motor engine, telegraph line, and electric
railroad signals, together with a figure operating the
signals at each end of the line automatically. This
was in reality the first example of railroad trains
moved by telegraph signals, a practice now so common
and universal as to attract no comment. To
show how little some fundamental methods can change
in fifty years, it may be noted that Hall conveyed the
current to his tiny car through forty feet of rail,
using the rail as conductor, just as Edison did more
than thirty years later in his historic experiments
for Villard at Menlo Park; and just as a large pro-
portion of American trolley systems do at this present
moment.
It was among such practical, investigating folk as
these that Edison was very much at home. Another
notable man of this stamp, with whom Edison was
thrown in contact, was the late Mr. Charles Williams,
who, beginning his career in the electrical field in
the forties, was at the height of activity as a maker
of apparatus when Edison arrived in the city; and
who afterward, as an associate of Alexander Graham
Bell, enjoyed the distinction of being the first
manufacturer in the world of telephones. At his Court
Street workshop Edison was a frequent visitor. Telegraph
repairs and experiments were going on constantly,
especially on the early fire-alarm telegraphs[1]
of Farmer and Gamewell, and with the aid of one of the
men there--probably George Anders--Edison worked
out into an operative model his first invention, a vote-
recorder, the first Edison patent, for which papers
were executed on October 11, 1868, and which was
taken out June 1, 1869, No. 90,646. The purpose of
this particular device was to permit a vote in the
National House of Representatives to be taken in a
minute or so, complete lists being furnished of all
members voting on the two sides of any question
Mr. Edison, in recalling the circumstances, says:
"Roberts was the telegraph operator who was the
financial backer to the extent of $100. The invention
when completed was taken to Washington. I think it
was exhibited before a committee that had something
to do with the Capitol. The chairman of the committee,
after seeing how quickly and perfectly it
worked, said: `Young man, if there is any invention
on earth that we don't want down here, it is this.
One of the greatest weapons in the hands of a minority
to prevent bad legislation is filibustering on
votes, and this instrument would prevent it.' I saw
the truth of this, because as press operator I had taken
miles of Congressional proceedings, and to this day
an enormous amount of time is wasted during each
session of the House in foolishly calling the members'
names and recording and then adding their
votes, when the whole operation could be done in
almost a moment by merely pressing a particular
button at each desk. For filibustering purposes,
however, the present methods are most admirable."
Edison determined from that time forth to devote
his inventive faculties only to things for which there
was a real, genuine demand, something that subserved
the actual necessities of humanity. This first
patent was taken out for him by the late Hon. Carroll
D. Wright, afterward U. S. Commissioner of Labor,
and a well-known publicist, then practicing patent law
in Boston. He describes Edison as uncouth in manner,
a chewer rather than a smoker of tobacco, but
full of intelligence and ideas.
[1] The general scheme of a fire-alarm telegraph system embodies
a central office to which notice can be sent from any number of
signal boxes of the outbreak of a fire in the district covered by
the box, the central office in turn calling out the nearest fire
engines, and warning the fire department in general of the
occurrence. Such fire alarms can be exchanged automatically, or
by operators, and are sometimes associated with a large fire-alarm
bell or whistle. Some boxes can be operated by the passing public;
others need special keys. The box mechanism is usually of
the ratchet, step-by-step movement, familiar in district messenger
call-boxes.
Edison's curiously practical, though imaginative,
mind demanded realities to work upon, things that
belong to "human nature's daily food," and he soon
harked back to telegraphy, a domain in which he
was destined to succeed, and over which he was to
reign supreme as an inventor. He did not, however,
neglect chemistry, but indulged his tastes in that
direction freely, although we have no record that this
work was anything more, at that time, than the
carrying out of experiments outlined in the books.
The foundations were being laid for the remarkable
chemical knowledge that later on grappled successfully
with so many knotty problems in the realm of
chemistry; notably with the incandescent lamp and
the storage battery. Of one incident in his chemical
experiments he tells the following story: "I had read
in a scientific paper the method of making nitroglycerine,
and was so fired by the wonderful properties
it was said to possess, that I determined to make
some of the compound. We tested what we considered
a very small quantity, but this produced such
terrible and unexpected results that we became
alarmed, the fact dawning upon us that we had a very
large white elephant in our possession. At 6 A.M. I
put the explosive into a sarsaparilla bottle, tied a
string to it, wrapped it in a paper, and gently let it
down into the sewer, corner of State and Washington
Streets." The associate in this was a man whom he
had found endeavoring to make electrical apparatus
for sleight-of-hand performances.
In the Boston telegraph office at that time, as perhaps
at others, there were operators studying to en-
ter college; possibly some were already in attendance
at Harvard University. This condition was not unusual
at one time; the first electrical engineer graduated
from Columbia University, New York, followed
up his studies while a night operator, and came out
brilliantly at the head of his class. Edison says of
these scholars that they paraded their knowledge
rather freely, and that it was his delight to go to the
second-hand book stores on Cornhill and study up
questions which he could spring upon them when he
got an occasion. With those engaged on night duty
he got midnight lunch from an old Irishman called
"the Cake Man," who appeared regularly with his
wares at 12 midnight. "The office was on the
ground floor, and had been a restaurant previous to
its occupation by the Western Union Telegraph
Company. It was literally loaded with cockroaches,
which lived between the wall and the board running
around the room at the floor, and which came after
the lunch. These were such a bother on my table that
I pasted two strips of tinfoil on the wall at my desk,
connecting one piece to the positive pole of the big
battery supplying current to the wires and the negative
pole to the other strip. The cockroaches moving
up on the wall would pass over the strips. The moment
they got their legs across both strips there was
a flash of light and the cockroaches went into gas.
This automatic electrocuting device attracted so much
attention, and got half a column in an evening paper,
that the manager made me stop it." The reader will
remember that a similar plan of campaign against
rats was carried out by Edison while in the West.
About this time Edison had a narrow escape from
injury that might easily have shortened his career,
and he seems to have provoked the trouble more or
less innocently by using a little elementary chemistry.
"After being in Boston several months," he says,
"working New York wire No. 1, I was requested to
work the press wire, called the `milk route,' as there
were so many towns on it taking press simultaneously.
New York office had reported great delays on the
wire, due to operators constantly interrupting, or
`breaking,' as it was called, to have words repeated
which they had failed to get; and New York claimed
that Boston was one of the worst offenders. It was
a rather hard position for me, for if I took the report
without breaking, it would prove the previous Boston
operator incompetent. The results made the
operator have some hard feelings against me. He
was put back on the wire, and did much better after
that. It seems that the office boy was down on this
man. One night he asked me if I could tell him how
to fix a key so that it would not `break,' even if the
circuit-breaker was open, and also so that it could not
be easily detected. I told him to jab a penful of
ink on the platinum points, as there was sugar enough
to make it sufficiently thick to hold up when the
operator tried to break--the current still going through
the ink so that he could not break.
"The next night about 1 A.M. this operator, on the
press wire, while I was standing near a House printer
studying it, pulled out a glass insulator, then used
upside down as a substitute for an ink-bottle, and
threw it with great violence at me, just missing my
head. It would certainly have killed me if it had
not missed. The cause of the trouble was that this
operator was doing the best he could not to break,
but being compelled to, opened his key and found he
couldn't. The press matter came right along, and
he could not stop it. The office boy had put the ink
in a few minutes before, when the operator had
turned his head during a lull. He blamed me instinctively
as the cause of the trouble. Later on we
became good friends. He took his meals at the same
emaciator that I did. His main object in life seemed
to be acquiring the art of throwing up wash-pitchers
and catching them without breaking them. About
one-third of his salary was used up in paying for
pitchers."
One day a request reached the Western Union
Telegraph office in Boston, from the principal of a
select school for young ladies, to the effect that she
would like some one to be sent up to the school to
exhibit and describe the Morse telegraph to her
"children." There has always been a warm interest
in Boston in the life and work of Morse, who was born
there, at Charlestown, barely a mile from the birthplace
of Franklin, and this request for a little lecture
on Morse's telegraph was quite natural. Edison, who
was always ready to earn some extra money for his
experiments, and was already known as the best-
informed operator in the office, accepted the
invitation. What happened is described by Adams as
follows: "We gathered up a couple of sounders, a
battery, and sonic wire, and at the appointed time
called on her to do the stunt. Her school-room was
about twenty by twenty feet, not including a small
platform. We rigged up the line between the two
ends of the room, Edison taking the stage while I
was at the other end of the room. All being in
readiness, the principal was told to bring in her
children. The door opened and in came about twenty
young ladies elegantly gowned, not one of whom was
under seventeen. When Edison saw them I thought
he would faint. He called me on the line and asked
me to come to the stage and explain the mysteries of
the Morse system. I replied that I thought he was in
the right place, and told him to get busy with his talk
on dots and dashes. Always modest, Edison was so
overcome he could hardly speak, but he managed
to say, finally, that as his friend Mr. Adams was
better equipped with cheek than he was, we would
change places, and he would do the demonstrating
while I explained the whole thing. This caused the
bevy to turn to see where the lecturer was. I went
on the stage, said something, and we did some
telegraphing over the line. I guess it was satisfactory;
we got the money, which was the main point to us."
Edison tells the story in a similar manner, but insists
that it was he who saved the situation. "I managed
to say that I would work the apparatus, and Mr.
Adams would make the explanations. Adams was so
embarrassed that he fell over an ottoman. The girls
tittered, and this increased his embarrassment until he
couldn't say a word. The situation was so desperate
that for a reason I never could explain I started in
myself and talked and explained better than I ever did
before or since. I can talk to two or three persons;
but when there are more they radiate some unknown
form of influence which paralyzes my vocal cords.
However, I got out of this scrape, and many times
afterward when I chanced with other operators to meet
some of the young ladies on their way home from
school, they would smile and nod, much to the
mystification of the operators, who were ignorant of
this episode."
Another amusing story of this period of impecuniosity
and financial strain is told thus by Edison: "My
friend Adams was working in the Franklin Telegraph
Company, which competed with the Western Union.
Adams was laid off, and as his financial resources had
reached absolute zero centigrade, I undertook to let
him sleep in my hall bedroom. I generally had hall
bedrooms, because they were cheap and I needed
money to buy apparatus. I also had the pleasure of
his genial company at the boarding-house about a
mile distant, but at the sacrifice of some apparatus.
One morning, as we were hastening to breakfast, we
came into Tremont Row, and saw a large crowd in
front of two small `gents' furnishing goods stores.
We stopped to ascertain the cause of the excitement.
One store put up a paper sign in the display window
which said: `Three-hundred pairs of stockings received
this day, five cents a pair--no connection with the
store next door.' Presently the other store put up
a sign stating they had received three hundred pairs,
price three cents per pair, and stated that they had
no connection with the store next door. Nobody
went in. The crowd kept increasing. Finally, when
the price had reached three pairs for one cent, Adams
said to me: `I can't stand this any longer; give me
a cent.' I gave him a nickel, and he elbowed his way
in; and throwing the money on the counter, the
store being filled with women clerks, he said: `Give
me three pairs.' The crowd was breathless, and the
girl took down a box and drew out three pairs of
baby socks. `Oh!' said Adams, `I want men's size.'
`Well, sir, we do not permit one to pick sizes for that
amount of money.' And the crowd roared; and this
broke up the sales."
It has generally been supposed that Edison did not
take up work on the stock ticker until after his arrival
a little later in New York; but he says: "After the
vote-recorder I invented a stock ticker, and started
a ticker service in Boston; had thirty or forty
subscribers, and operated from a room over the Gold
Exchange. This was about a year after Callahan
started in New York." To say the least, this evidenced
great ability and enterprise on the part of
the youth. The dealings in gold during the Civil
War and after its close had brought gold indicators
into use, and these had soon been followed by "stock
tickers," the first of which was introduced in New
York in 1867. The success of this new but still
primitively crude class of apparatus was immediate.
Four manufacturers were soon busy trying to keep
pace with the demands for it from brokers; and the
Gold & Stock Telegraph Company formed to exploit
the system soon increased its capital from $200,000
to $300,000, paying 12 per cent. dividends on the
latter amount. Within its first year the capital was
again increased to $1,000,000, and dividends of 10
per cent. were paid easily on that sum also. It is
needless to say that such facts became quickly known
among the operators, from whose ranks, of course,
the new employees were enlisted; and it was a common
ambition among the more ingenious to produce
a new ticker. From the beginning, each phase of
electrical development--indeed, each step in
mechanics--has been accompanied by the well-known
phenomenon of invention; namely, the attempt of the
many to perfect and refine and even re-invent where
one or two daring spirits have led the way. The
figures of capitalization and profit just mentioned
were relatively much larger in the sixties than they
are to-day; and to impressionable young operators
they spelled illimitable wealth. Edison was, how
ever, about the only one in Boston of whom history
makes record as achieving any tangible result in this
new art; and he soon longed for the larger telegraphic
opportunity of New York. His friend, Milt Adams,
went West with quenchless zest for that kind of roving
life and aimless adventure of which the serious
minded Edison had already had more than enough.
Realizing that to New York he must look for further
support in his efforts, Edison, deep in debt for his
embryonic inventions, but with high hope and
courage, now made the next momentous step in his
career. He was far riper in experience and practice
of his art than any other telegrapher of his age, and
had acquired, moreover, no little knowledge of the
practical business of life. Note has been made above
of his invention of a stock ticker in Boston, and of
his establishing a stock-quotation circuit. This was
by no means all, and as a fitting close to this chapter
he may be quoted as to some other work and its perils
in experimentation: "I also engaged in putting up
private lines, upon which I used an alphabetical dial
instrument for telegraphing between business
establishments, a forerunner of modern telephony. This
instrument was very simple and practical, and any
one could work it after a few minutes' explanation.
I had these instruments made at Mr. Hamblet's, who
had a little shop where he was engaged in experimenting
with electric clocks. Mr. Hamblet was the
father and introducer in after years of the Western
Union Telegraph system of time distribution. My
laboratory was the headquarters for the men, and
also of tools and supplies for those private lines.
They were put up cheaply, as I used the roofs of
houses, just as the Western Union did. It never
occurred to me to ask permission from the owners;
all we did was to go to the store, etc., say we were
telegraph men, and wanted to go up to the wires on
the roof; and permission was always granted.
"In this laboratory I had a large induction coil
which I had borrowed to make some experiments with.
One day I got hold of both electrodes of the coil, and
it clinched my hand on them so that I couldn't let
go. The battery was on a shelf. The only way I
could get free was to back off and pull the coil, so
that the battery wires would pull the cells off the shelf
and thus break the circuit. I shut my eyes and
pulled, but the nitric acid splashed all over my face
and ran down my back. I rushed to a sink, which
was only half big enough, and got in as well as I could
and wiggled around for several minutes to permit
the water to dilute the acid and stop the pain. My
face and back were streaked with yellow; the skin
was thoroughly oxidized. I did not go on the street
by daylight for two weeks, as the appearance of my
face was dreadful. The skin, however, peeled off,
and new skin replaced it without any damage."
CHAPTER VII
THE STOCK TICKER
"THE letters and figures used in the language of
the tape," said a well-known Boston stock
speculator, "are very few, but they spell ruin in
ninety-nine million ways." It is not to be inferred,
however, that the modern stock ticker has anything
to do with the making or losing of fortunes. There
were regular daily stock-market reports in London
newspapers in 1825, and New York soon followed the
example. As far back as 1692, Houghton issued in
London a weekly review of financial and commercial
transactions, upon which Macaulay based the lively
narrative of stock speculation in the seventeenth
century, given in his famous history. That which
the ubiquitous stock ticker has done is to give
instantaneity to the news of what the stock market is
doing, so that at every minute, thousands of miles
apart, brokers, investors, and gamblers may learn
the exact conditions. The existence of such facilities
is to be admired rather than deplored. News is vital
to Wall Street, and there is no living man on whom
the doings in Wall Street are without effect. The
financial history of the United States and of the world,
as shown by the prices of government bonds and
general securities, has been told daily for forty years
on these narrow strips of paper tape, of which thousands
of miles are run yearly through the "tickers"
of New York alone. It is true that the record of the
chattering little machine, made in cabalistic abbreviations
on the tape, can drive a man suddenly to the
very verge of insanity with joy or despair; but if
there be blame for that, it attaches to the American
spirit of speculation and not to the ingenious mechanism
which reads and registers the beating of the
financial pulse.
Edison came first to New York in 1868, with his
early stock printer, which he tried unsuccessfully to
sell. He went back to Boston, and quite undismayed
got up a duplex telegraph. "Toward the end
of my stay in Boston," he says, "I obtained a loan
of money, amounting to $800, to build a peculiar
kind of duplex telegraph for sending two messages
over a single wire simultaneously. The apparatus
was built, and I left the Western Union employ and
went to Rochester, New York, to test the apparatus
on the lines of the Atlantic & Pacific Telegraph between
that city and New York. But the assistant at
the other end could not be made to understand anything,
notwithstanding I had written out a very
minute description of just what to do. After trying
for a week I gave it up and returned to New York
with but a few cents in my pocket." Thus he who
has never speculated in a stock in his life was destined
to make the beginnings of his own fortune by providing
for others the apparatus that should bring to the
eye, all over a great city, the momentary fluctuations
of stocks and bonds. No one could have been in
direr poverty than he when the steamboat landed
him in New York in 1869. He was in debt, and his
few belongings in books and instruments had to be
left behind. He was not far from starving. Mr.
W. S. Mallory, an associate of many years, quotes
directly from him on this point: "Some years ago
we had a business negotiation in New York which
made it necessary for Mr. Edison and me to visit the
city five or six times within a comparatively short
period. It was our custom to leave Orange about
11 A.M., and on arrival in New York to get our lunch
before keeping the appointments, which were usually
made for two o'clock. Several of these lunches were
had at Delmonico's, Sherry's, and other places of
similar character, but one day, while en route, Mr.
Edison said: `I have been to lunch with you several
times; now to-day I am going to take you to lunch
with me, and give you the finest lunch you ever had.'
When we arrived in Hoboken, we took the downtown
ferry across the Hudson, and when we arrived
on the Manhattan side Mr. Edison led the way to
Smith & McNell's, opposite Washington Market, and
well known to old New Yorkers. We went inside and
as soon as the waiter appeared Mr. Edison ordered
apple dumplings and a cup of coffee for himself. He
consumed his share of the lunch with the greatest
possible pleasure. Then, as soon as he had finished,
he went to the cigar counter and purchased cigars.
As we walked to keep the appointment he gave me
the following reminiscence: When he left Boston and
decided to come to New York he had only money
enough for the trip. After leaving the boat his first
thought was of breakfast; but he was without money
to obtain it. However, in passing a wholesale tea-
house he saw a man tasting tea, so he went in and
asked the `taster' if he might have some of the tea.
This the man gave him, and thus he obtained his first
breakfast in New York. He knew a telegraph operator
here, and on him he depended for a loan to tide
him over until such time as he should secure a position.
During the day he succeeded in locating this operator,
but found that he also was out of a job, and that the
best he could do was to loan him one dollar, which
he did. This small sum of money represented both
food and lodging until such time as work could be
obtained. Edison said that as the result of the time
consumed and the exercise in walking while he found
his friend, he was extremely hungry, and that he gave
most serious consideration as to what he should buy
in the way of food, and what particular kind of food
would be most satisfying and filling. The result was
that at Smith & McNell's he decided on apple dumplings
and a cup of coffee, than which he never ate anything
more appetizing. It was not long before he
was at work and was able to live in a normal manner."
During the Civil War, with its enormous increase
in the national debt and the volume of paper money,
gold had gone to a high premium; and, as ever, by its
fluctuations in price the value of all other commodities
was determined. This led to the creation of a
"Gold Room" in Wall Street, where the precious
metal could be dealt in; while for dealings in stocks
there also existed the "Regular Board," the "Open
Board," and the "Long Room." Devoted to one,
but the leading object of speculation, the "Gold
Room" was the very focus of all the financial and
gambling activity of the time, and its quotations
governed trade and commerce. At first notations in
chalk on a blackboard sufficed, but seeing their
inadequacy, Dr. S. S. Laws, vice-president and actual
presiding officer of the Gold Exchange, devised and
introduced what was popularly known as the "gold
indicator." This exhibited merely the prevailing
price of gold; but as its quotations changed from
instant to instant, it was in a most literal sense "the
cynosure of neighboring eyes." One indicator looked
upon the Gold Room; the other opened toward the
street. Within the exchange the face could easily be
seen high up on the west wall of the room, and the
machine was operated by Mr. Mersereau, the official
registrar of the Gold Board.
Doctor Laws, who afterward became President of
the State University of Missouri, was an inventor of
unusual ability and attainments. In his early youth
he had earned his livelihood in a tool factory; and,
apparently with his savings, he went to Princeton,
where he studied electricity under no less a teacher
than the famous Joseph Henry. At the outbreak of
the war in 1861 he was president of one of the
Presbyterian synodical colleges in the South, whose
buildings passed into the hands of the Government.
Going to Europe, he returned to New York in 1863,
and, becoming interested with a relative in financial
matters, his connection with the Gold Exchange soon
followed, when it was organized. The indicating
mechanism he now devised was electrical, controlled
at central by two circuit-closing keys, and was a
prototype of all the later and modern step-by-step printing
telegraphs, upon which the distribution of financial
news depends. The "fraction" drum of the indicator
could be driven in either direction, known as
the advance and retrograde movements, and was
divided and marked in eighths. It geared into a
"unit" drum, just as do speed-indicators and
cyclometers. Four electrical pulsations were required to
move the drum the distance between the fractions.
The general operation was simple, and in normally
active times the mechanism and the registrar were
equal to all emergencies. But it is obvious that the
record had to be carried away to the brokers' offices
and other places by messengers; and the delay,
confusion, and mistakes soon suggested to Doctor Laws
the desirability of having a number of indicators at
such scattered points, operated by a master transmitter,
and dispensing with the regiments of noisy
boys. He secured this privilege of distribution, and,
resigning from the exchange, devoted his exclusive
attention to the "Gold Reporting Telegraph," which
he patented, and for which, at the end of 1866, he
had secured fifty subscribers. His indicators were
small oblong boxes, in the front of which was a long
slot, allowing the dials as they travelled past, inside,
to show the numerals constituting the quotation;
the dials or wheels being arranged in a row
horizontally, overlapping each other, as in modern fare
registers which are now seen on most trolley cars.
It was not long before there were three hundred
subscribers; but the very success of this device brought
competition and improvement. Mr. E. A. Callahan,
an ingenious printing-telegraph operator, saw that
there were unexhausted possibilities in the idea, and
his foresight and inventiveness made him the father
of the "ticker," in connection with which he was
thus, like Laws, one of the first to grasp and exploit
the underlying principle of the "central station" as
a universal source of supply. The genesis of his
invention Mr. Callahan has told in an interesting way:
"In 1867, on the site of the present Mills Building on
Broad Street, opposite the Stock Exchange of today,
was an old building which had been cut up to
subserve the necessities of its occupants, all engaged
in dealing in gold and stocks. It had one main entrance
from the street to a hallway, from which entrance
to the offices of two prominent broker firms
was obtained. Each firm had its own army of boys,
numbering from twelve to fifteen, whose duties were
to ascertain the latest quotations from the different
exchanges. Each boy devoted his attention to some
particularly active stock. Pushing each other to
get into these narrow quarters, yelling out the prices
at the door, and pushing back for later ones, the
hustle made this doorway to me a most undesirable
refuge from an April shower. I was simply whirled
into the street. I naturally thought that much of
this noise and confusion might be dispensed with, and
that the prices might be furnished through some
system of telegraphy which would not require the
employment of skilled operators. The conception of
the stock ticker dates from this incident."
Mr. Callahan's first idea was to distribute gold
quotations, and to this end he devised an "indicator."
It consisted of two dials mounted separately, each
revolved by an electromagnet, so that the desired
figures were brought to an aperture in the case
enclosing the apparatus, as in the Laws system. Each
shaft with its dial was provided with two ratchet
wheels, one the reverse of the other. One was used in
connection with the propelling lever, which was provided
with a pawl to fit into the teeth of the reversed
ratchet wheel on its forward movement. It was thus
made impossible for either dial to go by momentum
beyond its limit. Learning that Doctor Laws, with
the skilful aid of F. L. Pope, was already active in the
same direction, Mr. Callahan, with ready wit, transformed
his indicator into a "ticker" that would make
a printed record. The name of the "ticker" came
through the casual remark of an observer to whom
the noise was the most striking feature of the
mechanism. Mr. Callahan removed the two dials, and,
substituting type wheels, turned the movements face
to face, so that each type wheel could imprint its
characters upon a paper tape in two lines. Three
wires stranded together ran from the central office
to each instrument. Of these one furnished the current
for the alphabet wheel, one for the figure wheel,
and one for the mechanism that took care of the
inking and printing on the tape. Callahan made the
further innovation of insulating his circuit wires,
although the cost was then forty times as great as
that of bare wire. It will be understood that
electromagnets were the ticker's actuating agency. The
ticker apparatus was placed under a neat glass shade
and mounted on a shelf. Twenty-five instruments
were energized from one circuit, and the quotations
were supplied from a "central" at 18 New Street.
The Gold & Stock Telegraph Company was promptly
organized to supply to brokers the system, which
was very rapidly adopted throughout the financial
district of New York, at the southern tip of Manhattan
Island. Quotations were transmitted by the
Morse telegraph from the floor of the Stock Exchange
to the "central," and thence distributed to the
subscribers. Success with the "stock" news system was
instantaneous.
It was at this juncture that Edison reached New
York, and according to his own statement found
shelter at night in the battery-room of the Gold
Indicator Company, having meantime applied for a
position as operator with the Western Union. He
had to wait a few days, and during this time he seized
the opportunity to study the indicators and the complicated
general transmitter in the office, controlled
from the keyboard of the operator on the floor of the
Gold Exchange. What happened next has been the
basis of many inaccurate stories, but is dramatic
enough as told in Mr. Edison's own version: "On the
third day of my arrival and while sitting in the office,
the complicated general instrument for sending on all
the lines, and which made a very great noise, suddenly
came to a stop with a crash. Within two minutes
over three hundred boys--a boy from every broker
in the street--rushed up-stairs and crowded the long
aisle and office, that hardly had room for one hundred,
all yelling that such and such a broker's wire was out
of order and to fix it at once. It was pandemonium,
and the man in charge became so excited that he lost
control of all the knowledge he ever had. I went to
the indicator, and, having studied it thoroughly, knew
where the trouble ought to be, and found it. One of
the innumerable contact springs had broken off and
had fallen down between the two gear wheels and
stopped the instrument; but it was not very noticeable.
As I went out to tell the man in charge what
the matter was, Doctor Laws appeared on the scene,
the most excited person I had seen. He demanded
of the man the cause of the trouble, but the man was
speechless. I ventured to say that I knew what the
trouble was, and he said, `Fix it! Fix it! Be quick!'
I removed the spring and set the contact wheels at
zero; and the line, battery, and inspecting men all
scattered through the financial district to set the
instruments. In about two hours things were working
again. Doctor Laws came in to ask my name and
what I was doing. I told him, and he asked me to
come to his private office the following day. His
office was filled with stacks of books all relating to
metaphysics and kindred matters. He asked me a
great many questions about the instruments and his
system, and I showed him how he could simplify
things generally. He then requested that I should
call next day. On arrival, he stated at once that
he had decided to put me in charge of the whole
plant, and that my salary would be $300 per month!
This was such a violent jump from anything I had
ever seen before, that it rather paralyzed me for a
while, I thought it was too much to be lasting, but
I determined to try and live up to that salary if
twenty hours a day of hard work would do it. I
kept this position, made many improvements, devised
several stock tickers, until the Gold & Stock
Telegraph Company consolidated with the Gold Indicator
Company." Certainly few changes in fortune
have been more sudden and dramatic in any
notable career than this which thus placed an ill-
clad, unkempt, half-starved, eager lad in a position
of such responsibility in days when the fluctuations
in the price of gold at every instant meant fortune or
ruin to thousands.
Edison, barely twenty-one years old, was a keen
observer of the stirring events around him. "Wall
Street" is at any time an interesting study, but it
was never at a more agitated and sensational period
of its history than at this time. Edison's arrival in
New York coincided with an active speculation in
gold which may, indeed, be said to have provided him
with occupation; and was soon followed by the attempt
of Mr. Jay Gould and his associates to corner
the gold market, precipitating the panic of Black
Friday, September 24, 1869. Securing its import
duties in the precious metal and thus assisting to
create an artificial stringency in the gold market, the
Government had made it a practice to relieve the
situation by selling a million of gold each month.
The metal was thus restored to circulation. In some
manner, President Grant was persuaded that general
conditions and the movement of the crops would be
helped if the sale of gold were suspended for a time;
and, this put into effect, he went to visit an old
friend in Pennsylvania remote from railroads and
telegraphs. The Gould pool had acquired control of
$10,000,000 in gold, and drove the price upward
rapidly from 144 toward their goal of 200. On Black
Friday they purchased another $28,000,000 at 160,
and still the price went up. The financial and
commercial interests of the country were in panic; but
the pool persevered in its effort to corner gold, with
a profit of many millions contingent on success.
Yielding to frantic requests, President Grant, who
returned to Washington, caused Secretary Boutwell,
of the Treasury, to throw $4,000,000 of gold into the
market. Relief was instantaneous, the corner was
broken, but the harm had been done. Edison's remarks
shed a vivid side-light on this extraordinary
episode: "On Black Friday," he says, "we had a
very exciting time with the indicators. The Gould
and Fisk crowd had cornered gold, and had run the
quotations up faster than the indicator could follow.
The indicator was composed of several wheels; on
the circumference of each wheel were the numerals;
and one wheel had fractions. It worked in the same
way as an ordinary counter; one wheel made ten
revolutions, and at the tenth it advanced the adjacent
wheel; and this in its turn having gone ten revolutions,
advanced the next wheel, and so on. On the
morning of Black Friday the indicator was quoting
150 premium, whereas the bids by Gould's agents in
the Gold Room were 165 for five millions or any part.
We had a paper-weight at the transmitter (to speed
it up), and by one o'clock reached the right quotation.
The excitement was prodigious. New Street,
as well as Broad Street, was jammed with excited
people. I sat on the top of the Western Union telegraph
booth to watch the surging, crazy crowd. One
man came to the booth, grabbed a pencil, and
attempted to write a message to Boston. The first
stroke went clear off the blank; he was so excited that
he had the operator write the message for him. Amid
great excitement Speyer, the banker, went crazy and
it took five men to hold him; and everybody lost their
head. The Western Union operator came to me and
said: `Shake, Edison, we are O. K. We haven't got
a cent.' I felt very happy because we were poor.
These occasions are very enjoyable to a poor man;
but they occur rarely."
There is a calm sense of detachment about this
description that has been possessed by the narrator
even in the most anxious moments of his career. He
was determined to see all that could be seen, and,
quitting his perch on the telegraph booth, sought the
more secluded headquarters of the pool forces. "A
friend of mine was an operator who worked in the
office of Belden & Company, 60 Broadway, which
were headquarters for Fisk. Mr. Gould was up-town
in the Erie offices in the Grand Opera House. The firm
on Broad Street, Smith, Gould & Martin, was the other
branch. All were connected with wires. Gould seemed
to be in charge, Fisk being the executive down-town.
Fisk wore a velvet corduroy coat and a very peculiar
vest. He was very chipper, and seemed to be light-
hearted and happy. Sitting around the room were
about a dozen fine-looking men. All had the complexion
of cadavers. There was a basket of cham-
pagne. Hundreds of boys were rushing in paying
checks, all checks being payable to Belden & Company.
When James Brown, of Brown Brothers &
Company, broke the corner by selling five million
gold, all payments were repudiated by Smith, Gould
& Martin; but they continued to receive checks at
Belden & Company's for some time, until the Street
got wind of the game. There was some kind of conspiracy
with the Government people which I could
not make out, but I heard messages that opened my
eyes as to the ramifications of Wall Street. Gold fell
to 132, and it took us all night to get the indicator
back to that quotation. All night long the streets
were full of people. Every broker's office was brilliantly
lighted all night, and all hands were at work.
The clearing-house for gold had been swamped, and
all was mixed up. No one knew if he was bankrupt
or not."
Edison in those days rather liked the modest coffee-
shops, and mentions visiting one. "When on the
New York No. 1 wire, that I worked in Boston, there
was an operator named Jerry Borst at the other end.
He was a first-class receiver and rapid sender. We
made up a scheme to hold this wire, so he changed
one letter of the alphabet and I soon got used to it;
and finally we changed three letters. If any operator
tried to receive from Borst, he couldn't do it, so Borst
and I always worked together. Borst did less talking
than any operator I ever knew. Never having seen
him, I went while in New York to call upon him. I
did all the talking. He would listen, stroke his
beard, and say nothing. In the evening I went over
to an all-night lunch-house in Printing House Square
in a basement--Oliver's. Night editors, including
Horace Greeley, and Henry Raymond, of the New
York Times, took their midnight lunch there. When
I went with Borst and another operator, they pointed
out two or three men who were then celebrated in the
newspaper world. The night was intensely hot and
close. After getting our lunch and upon reaching the
sidewalk, Borst opened his mouth, and said: `That's
a great place; a plate of cakes, a cup of coffee, and
a Russian bath, for ten cents.' This was about fifty
per cent. of his conversation for two days."
The work of Edison on the gold-indicator had
thrown him into close relationship with Mr. Franklin
L. Pope, the young telegraph engineer then associated
with Doctor Laws, and afterward a distinguished
expert and technical writer, who became
President of the American Institute of Electrical
Engineers in 1886. Each recognized the special ability
of the other, and barely a week after the famous
events of Black Friday the announcement of their
partnership appeared in the Telegrapher of October
1, 1869. This was the first "professional card," if
it may be so described, ever issued in America by a
firm of electrical engineers, and is here reproduced.
It is probable that the advertisement, one of the largest
in the Telegrapher, and appearing frequently, was
not paid for at full rates, as the publisher, Mr. J. N.
Ashley, became a partner in the firm, and not altogether
a "sleeping one" when it came to a division
of profits, which at times were considerable. In
order to be nearer his new friend Edison boarded with
Pope at Elizabeth, New Jersey, for some time, living
"the strenuous life" in the performance of his duties.
Associated with Pope and Ashley, he followed up his
work on telegraph printers with marked success.
"While with them I devised a printer to print gold
quotations instead of indicating them. The lines were
started, and the whole was sold out to the Gold &
Stock Telegraph Company. My experimenting was
all done in the small shop of a Doctor Bradley,
located near the station of the Pennsylvania Railroad
in Jersey City. Every night I left for Elizabeth on
the 1 A.M. train, then walked half a mile to Mr. Pope's
house and up at 6 A.M. for breakfast to catch the
7 A.M. train. This continued all winter, and many
were the occasions when I was nearly frozen in the
Elizabeth walk." This Doctor Bradley appears to
have been the first in this country to make electrical
measurements of precision with the galvanometer,
but was an old-school experimenter who would work
for years on an instrument without commercial value.
He was also extremely irascible, and when on one
occasion the connecting wire would not come out of
one of the binding posts of a new and costly galvanometer,
he jerked the instrument to the floor and then
jumped on it. He must have been, however, a man
of originality, as evidenced by his attempt to age
whiskey by electricity, an attempt that has often
since been made. "The hobby he had at the time
I was there," says Edison, "was the aging of raw
whiskey by passing strong electric currents through
it. He had arranged twenty jars with platinum
electrodes held in place by hard rubber. When all
was ready, he filled the cells with whiskey, connected
the battery, locked the door of the small room in
which they were placed, and gave positive orders
that no one should enter. He then disappeared for
three days. On the second day we noticed a terrible
smell in the shop, as if from some dead animal. The
next day the doctor arrived and, noticing the smell,
asked what was dead. We all thought something
had got into his whiskey-room and died. He opened
it and was nearly overcome. The hard rubber he
used was, of course, full of sulphur, and this being
attacked by the nascent hydrogen, had produced
sulphuretted hydrogen gas in torrents, displacing all
of the air in the room. Sulphuretted hydrogen is,
as is well known, the gas given off by rotten eggs."
Another glimpse of this period of development is
afforded by an interesting article on the stock-reporting
telegraph in the Electrical World of March 4, 1899,
by Mr. Ralph W. Pope, the well-known Secretary of
the American Institute of Electrical Engineers, who
had as a youth an active and intimate connection
with that branch of electrical industry. In the course
of his article he mentions the curious fact that Doctor
Laws at first, in receiving quotations from the Exchanges,
was so distrustful of the Morse system that
he installed long lines of speaking-tube as a more
satisfactory and safe device than a telegraph wire.
As to the relations of that time Mr. Pope remarks:
"The rivalry between the two concerns resulted in
consolidation, Doctor Laws's enterprise being
absorbed by the Gold & Stock Telegraph Company,
while the Laws stock printer was relegated to the
scrap-heap and the museum. Competition in the
field did not, however, cease. Messrs. Pope and
Edison invented a one-wire printer, and started a
system of `gold printers' devoted to the recording
of gold quotations and sterling exchange only. It
was intended more especially for importers and
exchange brokers, and was furnished at a lower price
than the indicator service.... The building and
equipment of private telegraph lines was also entered
upon. This business was also subsequently absorbed
by the Gold & Stock Telegraph Company, which was
probably at this time at the height of its prosperity.
The financial organization of the company was peculiar
and worthy of attention. Each subscriber for
a machine paid in $100 for the privilege of securing
an instrument. For the service he paid $25 weekly.
In case he retired or failed, he could transfer his
`right,' and employees were constantly on the alert
for purchasable rights, which could be disposed of
at a profit. It was occasionally worth the profit to
convince a man that he did not actually own the
machine which had been placed in his office.... The
Western Union Telegraph Company secured a majority
of its stock, and Gen. Marshall Lefferts was
elected president. A private-line department was
established, and the business taken over from Pope,
Edison, and Ashley was rapidly enlarged."
At this juncture General Lefferts, as President of
the Gold & Stock Telegraph Company, requested
Edison to go to work on improving the stock ticker,
furnishing the money; and the well-known "Universal"
ticker, in wide-spread use in its day, was one
result. Mr. Edison gives a graphic picture of the
startling effect on his fortunes: "I made a great many
inventions; one was the special ticker used for many
years outside of New York in the large cities. This
was made exceedingly simple, as they did not have
the experts we had in New York to handle anything
complicated. The same ticker was used on the London
Stock Exchange. After I had made a great number
of inventions and obtained patents, the General
seemed anxious that the matter should be closed up.
One day I exhibited and worked a successful device
whereby if a ticker should get out of unison in a
broker's office and commence to print wild figures,
it could be brought to unison from the central station,
which saved the labor of many men and much trouble
to the broker. He called me into his office, and said:
`Now, young man, I want to close up the matter of
your inventions. How much do you think you should
receive?' I had made up my mind that, taking into
consideration the time and killing pace I was working
at, I should be entitled to $5000, but could get along
with $3000. When the psychological moment arrived,
I hadn't the nerve to name such a large sum,
so I said: `Well, General, suppose you make me an
offer.' Then he said: `How would $40,000 strike
you?' This caused me to come as near fainting as I
ever got. I was afraid he would hear my heart beat.
I managed to say that I thought it was fair. `All
right, I will have a contract drawn; come around in
three days and sign it, and I will give you the money.'
I arrived on time, but had been doing some considerable
thinking on the subject. The sum seemed to
be very large for the amount of work, for at that time
I determined the value by the time and trouble, and
not by what the invention was worth to others. I
thought there was something unreal about it. However,
the contract was handed to me. I signed without
reading it." Edison was then handed the first
check he had ever received, one for $40,000 drawn
on the Bank of New York, at the corner of William
and Wall Streets. On going to the bank and passing
in the check at the wicket of the paying teller, some
brief remarks were made to him, which in his deafness
he did not understand. The check was handed
back to him, and Edison, fancying for a moment that
in some way he had been cheated, went outside "to
the large steps to let the cold sweat evaporate." He
then went back to the General, who, with his secretary,
had a good laugh over the matter, told him the check
must be endorsed, and sent with him a young man
to identify him. The ceremony of identification
performed with the paying teller, who was quite merry
over the incident, Edison was given the amount in
bundles of small bills "until there certainly seemed
to be one cubic foot." Unaware that he was the victim
of a practical joke, Edison proceeded gravely to
stow away the money in his overcoat pockets and all
his other pockets. He then went to Newark and sat
up all night with the money for fear it might be
stolen. Once more he sought help next morning,
when the General laughed heartily, and, telling the
clerk that the joke must not be carried any further,
enabled him to deposit the currency in the bank and
open an account.
Thus in an inconceivably brief time had Edison
passed from poverty to independence; made a deep
impression as to his originality and ability on
important people, and brought out valuable inventions;
lifting himself at one bound out of the ruck of
mediocrity, and away from the deadening drudgery of the
key. Best of all he was enterprising, one of the
leaders and pioneers for whom the world is always
looking; and, to use his own criticism of himself, he
had "too sanguine a temperament to keep money
in solitary confinement." With quiet self-possession
he seized his opportunity, began to buy machinery,
rented a shop and got work for it. Moving quickly
into a larger shop, Nos. 10 and 12 Ward Street,
Newark, New Jersey, he secured large orders from
General Lefferts to build stock tickers, and employed
fifty men. As business increased he put on a night
force, and was his own foreman on both shifts. Half
an hour of sleep three or four times in the twenty-
four hours was all he needed in those days, when one
invention succeeded another with dazzling rapidity,
and when he worked with the fierce, eruptive energy
of a great volcano, throwing out new ideas incessantly
with spectacular effect on the arts to which they
related. It has always been a theory with Edison that
we sleep altogether too much; but on the other hand
he never, until long past fifty, knew or practiced the
slightest moderation in work or in the use of strong
coffee and black cigars. He has, moreover, while
of tender and kindly disposition, never hesitated to
use men up as freely as a Napoleon or Grant; seeing
only the goal of a complete invention or perfected de-
vice, to attain which all else must become subsidiary.
He gives a graphic picture of his first methods as a
manufacturer: "Nearly all my men were on piece
work, and I allowed them to make good wages, and
never cut until the pay became absurdly high as they
got more expert. I kept no books. I had two hooks.
All the bills and accounts I owed I jabbed on one
hook; and memoranda of all owed to myself I put
on the other. When some of the bills fell due, and
I couldn't deliver tickers to get a supply of money, I
gave a note. When the notes were due, a messenger
came around from the bank with the note and a
protest pinned to it for $1.25. Then I would go to
New York and get an advance, or pay the note if I
had the money. This method of giving notes for
my accounts and having all notes protested I kept
up over two years, yet my credit was fine. Every
store I traded with was always glad to furnish goods,
perhaps in amazed admiration of my system of doing
business, which was certainly new." After a while
Edison got a bookkeeper, whose vagaries made him
look back with regret on the earlier, primitive method.
"The first three months I had him go over the books
to find out how much we had made. He reported
$3000. I gave a supper to some of my men to celebrate
this, only to be told two days afterward that
he had made a mistake, and that we had lost $500; and
then a few days after that he came to me again and
said he was all mixed up, and now found that we had
made over $7000." Edison changed bookkeepers, but
never thereafter counted anything real profit until he
had paid all his debts and had the profits in the bank.
The factory work at this time related chiefly to
stock tickers, principally the "Universal," of which
at one time twelve hundred were in use. Edison's
connection with this particular device was very
close while it lasted. In a review of the ticker art,
Mr. Callahan stated, with rather grudging praise,
that "a ticker at the present time (1901) would be
considered as impracticable and unsalable if it were
not provided with a unison device," and he goes on
to remark: "The first unison on stock tickers was
one used on the Laws printer.[2] It was a crude and
unsatisfactory piece of mechanism and necessitated
doubling of the battery in order to bring it into action.
It was short-lived. The Edison unison comprised a
lever with a free end travelling in a spiral or worm
on the type-wheel shaft until it met a pin at the end
of the worm, thus obstructing the shaft and leaving
the type-wheels at the zero-point until released by
the printing lever. This device is too well known to
require a further description. It is not applicable
to any instrument using two independently moving
type-wheels; but on nearly if not all other instruments
will be found in use." The stock ticker has
enjoyed the devotion of many brilliant inventors--
G. M. Phelps, H. Van Hoevenbergh, A. A. Knudson,
G. B. Scott, S. D. Field, John Burry--and remains in
extensive use as an appliance for which no substitute
or competitor has been found. In New York the
two great stock exchanges have deemed it necessary
to own and operate a stock-ticker service for the sole
benefit of their members; and down to the present
moment the process of improvement has gone on,
impelled by the increasing volume of business to be
reported. It is significant of Edison's work, now
dimmed and overlaid by later advances, that at the
very outset he recognized the vital importance of
interchangeability in the construction of this delicate
and sensitive apparatus. But the difficulties of these
early days were almost insurmountable. Mr. R. W.
Pope says of the "Universal" machines that they were
simple and substantial and generally satisfactory,
but adds: "These instruments were supposed to have
been made with interchangeable parts; but as a
matter of fact the instances in which these parts
would fit were very few. The instruction-book prepared
for the use of inspectors stated that `The parts
should not be tinkered nor bent, as they are accurately
made and interchangeable.' The difficulties encountered
in fitting them properly doubtless gave rise to a
story that Mr. Edison had stated that there were three
degrees of interchangeability. This was interpreted to
mean: First, the parts will fit; second, they will almost
fit; third, they do not fit, and can't be made to fit."
[2] This I invented as well.--T. A. E.
This early shop affords an illustration of the manner
in which Edison has made a deep impression on the
personnel of the electrical arts. At a single bench
there worked three men since rich or prominent.
One was Sigmund Bergmann, for a time partner with
Edison in his lighting developments in the United
States, and now head and principal owner of electrical
works in Berlin employing ten thousand men. The
next man adjacent was John Kruesi, afterward engineer
of the great General Electric Works at
Schenectady. A third was Schuckert, who left the
bench to settle up his father's little estate at Nuremberg,
stayed there and founded electrical factories,
which became the third largest in Germany, their
proprietor dying very wealthy. "I gave them a good
training as to working hours and hustling," says their
quondam master; and this is equally true as applied
to many scores of others working in companies bearing
the Edison name or organized under Edison
patents. It is curiously significant in this connection
that of the twenty-one presidents of the national
society, the American Institute of Electrical Engineers,
founded in 1884, eight have been intimately
associated with Edison--namely, Norvin Green and
F. L. Pope, as business colleagues of the days of which
we now write; while Messrs. Frank J. Sprague, T. C.
Martin, A. E. Kennelly, S. S. Wheeler, John W.
Lieb, Jr., and Louis A. Ferguson have all been at one
time or another in the Edison employ. The remark
was once made that if a famous American teacher
sat at one end of a log and a student at the other end,
the elements of a successful university were present.
It is equally true that in Edison and the many men
who have graduated from his stern school of endeavor,
America has had its foremost seat of electrical
engineering.
CHAPTER VIII
AUTOMATIC, DUPLEX, AND QUADRUPLEX
TELEGRAPHY
WORK of various kinds poured in upon the young
manufacturer, busy also with his own schemes
and inventions, which soon began to follow so many
distinct lines of inquiry that it ceases to be easy or
necessary for the historian to treat them all in
chronological sequence. Some notion of his ceaseless
activity may be formed from the fact that he started no
fewer than three shops in Newark during 1870-71,
and while directing these was also engaged by the
men who controlled the Automatic Telegraph Company
of New York, which had a circuit to Washington,
to help it out of its difficulties. "Soon after
starting the large shop (10 and 12 Ward Street,
Newark), I rented shop-room to the inventor of a
new rifle. I think it was the Berdan. In any event,
it was a rifle which was subsequently adopted by the
British Army. The inventor employed a tool-maker
who was the finest and best tool-maker I had ever
seen. I noticed that he worked pretty near the
whole of the twenty-four hours. This kind of application
I was looking for. He was getting $21.50 per
week, and was also paid for overtime. I asked him
if he could run the shop. `I don't know; try me!' he
said. `All right, I will give you $60 per week to run
both shifts.' He went at it. His executive ability
was greater than that of any other man I have yet
seen. His memory was prodigious, conversation
laconic, and movements rapid. He doubled the production
inside three months, without materially increasing
the pay-roll, by increasing the cutting speeds
of tools, and by the use of various devices. When in
need of rest he would lie down on a work-bench,
sleep twenty or thirty minutes, and wake up fresh.
As this was just what I could do, I naturally conceived
a great pride in having such a man in charge
of my work. But almost everything has trouble connected
with it. He disappeared one day, and although
I sent men everywhere that it was likely he
could be found, he was not discovered. After two
weeks he came into the factory in a terrible condition
as to clothes and face. He sat down and, turning to
me, said: `Edison, it's no use, this is the third time;
I can't stand prosperity. Put my salary back and
give me a job.' I was very sorry to learn that it was
whiskey that spoiled such a career. I gave him an
inferior job and kept him for a long time."
Edison had now entered definitely upon that career
as an inventor which has left so deep an imprint on
the records of the United States Patent Office, where
from his first patent in 1869 up to the summer of 1910
no fewer than 1328 separate patents have been applied
for in his name, averaging thirty-two every
year, and one about every eleven days; with a
substantially corresponding number issued. The
height of this inventive activity was attained
about 1882, in which year no fewer than 141 pat-
ents were applied for, and seventy-five granted to
him, or nearly nine times as many as in 1876, when
invention as a profession may be said to have been
adopted by this prolific genius. It will be understood,
of course, that even these figures do not represent
the full measure of actual invention, as in every
process and at every step there were many discoveries
that were not brought to patent registration, but
remained "trade secrets." And furthermore, that in
practically every case the actual patented invention
followed from one to a dozen or more gradually developing
forms of the same idea.
An Englishman named George Little had brought
over a system of automatic telegraphy which worked
well on a short line, but was a failure when put upon
the longer circuits for which automatic methods are
best adapted. The general principle involved in
automatic or rapid telegraphs, except the photographic
ones, is that of preparing the message in
advance, for dispatch, by perforating narrow strips of
paper with holes--work which can be done either by
hand-punches or by typewriter apparatus. A certain
group of perforations corresponds to a Morse
group of dots and dashes for a letter of the alphabet.
When the tape thus made ready is run rapidly through
a transmitting machine, electrical contact occurs
wherever there is a perforation, permitting the current
from the battery to flow into the line and thus
transmit signals correspondingly. At the distant end
these signals are received sometimes on an ink-writing
recorder as dots and dashes, or even as typewriting
letters; but in many of the earlier systems, like that
of Bain, the record at the higher rates of speed was
effected by chemical means, a tell-tale stain being
made on the travelling strip of paper by every spurt
of incoming current. Solutions of potassium iodide
were frequently used for this purpose, giving a sharp,
blue record, but fading away too rapidly.
The Little system had perforating apparatus operated
by electromagnets; its transmitting machine
was driven by a small electromagnetic motor; and
the record was made by electrochemical decomposition,
the writing member being a minute platinum
roller instead of the more familiar iron stylus. Moreover,
a special type of wire had been put up for the
single circuit of two hundred and eighty miles between
New York and Washington. This is believed to have
been the first "compound" wire made for telegraphic
or other signalling purposes, the object being to secure
greater lightness with textile strength and high
conductivity. It had a steel core, with a copper ribbon
wound spirally around it, and tinned to the core wire.
But the results obtained were poor, and in their
necessity the parties in interest turned to Edison.
Mr. E. H. Johnson tells of the conditions: "Gen.
W. J. Palmer and some New York associates had
taken up the Little automatic system and had expended
quite a sum in its development, when, thinking
they had reduced it to practice, they got Tom
Scott, of the Pennsylvania Railroad to send his
superintendent of telegraph over to look into and
report upon it. Of course he turned it down. The
syndicate was appalled at this report, and in this
extremity General Palmer thought of the man who
had impressed him as knowing it all by the telling
of telegraphic tales as a means of whiling away lonesome
hours on the plains of Colorado, where they
were associated in railroad-building. So this man--
it was I--was sent for to come to New York and
assuage their grief if possible. My report was that
the system was sound fundamentally, that it contained
the germ of a good thing, but needed working
out. Associated with General Palmer was one Col.
Josiah C. Reiff, then Eastern bond agent for the
Kansas Pacific Railroad. The Colonel was always
resourceful, and didn't fail in this case. He knew of
a young fellow who was doing some good work for
Marshall Lefferts, and who it was said was a genius
at invention, and a very fiend for work. His name
was Edison, and he had a shop out at Newark, New
Jersey. He came and was put in my care for the
purpose of a mutual exchange of ideas and for a report
by me as to his competency in the matter. This was
my introduction to Edison. He confirmed my views
of the automatic system. He saw its possibilities,
as well as the chief obstacles to be overcome--viz.,
the sluggishness of the wire, together with the need
of mechanical betterment of the apparatus; and he
agreed to take the job on one condition--namely,
that Johnson would stay and help, as `he was a man
with ideas.' Mr. Johnson was accordingly given
three months' leave from Colorado railroad-building,
and has never seen Colorado since."
Applying himself to the difficulties with wonted
energy, Edison devised new apparatus, and solved
the problem to such an extent that he and his as-
sistants succeeded in transmitting and recording one
thousand words per minute between New York and
Washington, and thirty-five hundred words per
minute to Philadelphia. Ordinary manual transmission
by key is not in excess of forty to fifty words
a minute. Stated very briefly, Edison's principal
contribution to the commercial development of the
automatic was based on the observation that in a
line of considerable length electrical impulses become
enormously extended, or sluggish, due to a
phenomenon known as self-induction, which with
ordinary Morse work is in a measure corrected
by condensers. But in the automatic the aim was
to deal with impulses following each other from
twenty-five to one hundred times as rapidly as in
Morse lines, and to attempt to receive and record
intelligibly such a lightning-like succession of signals would
have seemed impossible. But Edison discovered that
by utilizing a shunt around the receiving instrument,
with a soft iron core, the self-induction would produce
a momentary and instantaneous reversal of the
current at the end of each impulse, and thereby give
an absolutely sharp definition to each signal. This
discovery did away entirely with sluggishness, and
made it possible to secure high speeds over lines of
comparatively great lengths. But Edison's work on
the automatic did not stop with this basic suggestion,
for he took up and perfected the mechanical construction
of the instruments, as well as the perforators,
and also suggested numerous electrosensitive
chemicals for the receivers, so that the automatic
telegraph, almost entirely by reason of his individual
work, was placed on a plane of commercial practicability.
The long line of patents secured by him
in this art is an interesting exhibit of the development
of a germ to a completed system, not, as is
usually the case, by numerous inventors working
over considerable periods of time, but by one man
evolving the successive steps at a white heat of
activity.
This system was put in commercial operation, but
the company, now encouraged, was quite willing to
allow Edison to work out his idea of an automatic
that would print the message in bold Roman letters
instead of in dots and dashes; with consequent gain
in speed in delivery of the message after its receipt
in the operating-room, it being obviously necessary
in the case of any message received in Morse characters
to copy it in script before delivery to the recipient.
A large shop was rented in Newark, equipped with
$25,000 worth of machinery, and Edison was given
full charge. Here he built their original type of
apparatus, as improved, and also pushed his experiments
on the letter system so far that at a test, between
New York and Philadelphia, three thousand words
were sent in one minute and recorded in Roman type.
Mr. D. N. Craig, one of the early organizers of the
Associated Press, became interested in this company,
whose president was Mr. George Harrington, formerly
Assistant Secretary of the United States Treasury.
Mr. Craig brought with him at this time--the early
seventies--from Milwaukee a Mr. Sholes, who had a
wooden model of a machine to which had been given the
then new and unfamiliar name of "typewriter." Craig
was interested in the machine, and put the model in
Edison's hands to perfect. "This typewriter proved a
difficult thing," says Edison, "to make commercial.
The alignment of the letters was awful. One letter
would be one-sixteenth of an inch above the others;
and all the letters wanted to wander out of line. I
worked on it till the machine gave fair results.[3] Some
were made and used in the office of the Automatic
company. Craig was very sanguine that some day all
business letters would be written on a typewriter.
He died before that took place; but it gradually
made its way. The typewriter I got into commercial
shape is now known as the Remington. About this
time I got an idea I could devise an apparatus by
which four messages could simultaneously be sent
over a single wire without interfering with each other.
I now had five shops, and with experimenting on this
new scheme I was pretty busy; at least I did not
have ennui."
[3] See illustration on opposite page, showing reproduction of the
work done with this machine.
A very interesting picture of Mr. Edison at this time
is furnished by Mr. Patrick B. Delany, a well-known
inventor in the field of automatic and multiplex
telegraphy, who at that time was a chief operator of the
Franklin Telegraph Company at Philadelphia. His
remark about Edison that "his ingenuity inspired
confidence, and wavering financiers stiffened up when
it became known that he was to develop the automatic"
is a noteworthy evidence of the manner in
which the young inventor had already gained a firm
footing. He continues: "Edward H. Johnson was
brought on from the Denver & Rio Grande Railway
to assist in the practical introduction of automatic
telegraphy on a commercial basis, and about this
time, in 1872, I joined the enterprise. Fairly good
results were obtained between New York and Washington,
and Edison, indifferent to theoretical difficulties,
set out to prove high speeds between New
York and Charleston, South Carolina, the compound
wire being hitched up to one of the Southern &
Atlantic wires from Washington to Charleston for
the purpose of experimentation. Johnson and I
went to the Charleston end to carry out Edison's
plans, which were rapidly unfolded by telegraph
every night from a loft on lower Broadway, New
York. We could only get the wire after all business
was cleared, usually about midnight, and for months,
in the quiet hours, that wire was subjected to more
electrical acrobatics than any other wire ever
experienced. When the experiments ended, Edison's
system was put into regular commercial operation
between New York and Washington; and did fine
work. If the single wire had not broken about every
other day, the venture would have been a financial
success; but moisture got in between the copper ribbon
and the steel core, setting up galvanic action
which made short work of the steel. The demonstration
was, however, sufficiently successful to impel
Jay Gould to contract to pay about $4,000,000 in stock
for the patents. The contract was never completed so
far as the $4,000,000 were concerned, but Gould made
good use of it in getting control of the Western Union."
One of the most important persons connected with
the automatic enterprise was Mr. George Harrington,
to whom we have above referred, and with whom Mr.
Edison entered into close confidential relations, so
that the inventions made were held jointly, under a
partnership deed covering "any inventions or
improvements that may be useful or desired in
automatic telegraphy." Mr. Harrington was assured at
the outset by Edison that while the Little perforator
would give on the average only seven or eight words
per minute, which was not enough for commercial
purposes, he could devise one giving fifty or sixty
words, and that while the Little solution for the
receiving tape cost $15 to $17 per gallon, he could
furnish a ferric solution costing only five or six cents
per gallon. In every respect Edison "made good,"
and in a short time the system was a success, "Mr.
Little having withdrawn his obsolete perforator, his
ineffective resistance, his costly chemical solution, to
give place to Edison's perforator, Edison's resistance
and devices, and Edison's solution costing a few cents
per gallon. But," continues Mr. Harrington, in a
memorable affidavit, "the inventive efforts of Mr.
Edison were not confined to automatic telegraphy,
nor did they cease with the opening of that line to
Washington." They all led up to the quadruplex.
Flattered by their success, Messrs. Harrington and
Reiff, who owned with Edison the foreign patents for
the new automatic system, entered into an arrangement
with the British postal telegraph authorities
for a trial of the system in England, involving its
probable adoption if successful. Edison was sent to
England to make the demonstration, in 1873, reporting
there to Col. George E. Gouraud, who had been
an associate in the United States Treasury with Mr.
Harrington, and was now connected with the new
enterprise. With one small satchel of clothes, three
large boxes of instruments, and a bright fellow-
telegrapher named Jack Wright, he took voyage on the
Jumping Java, as she was humorously known, of
the Cunard line. The voyage was rough and the
little Java justified her reputation by jumping all
over the ocean. "At the table," says Edison, "there
were never more than ten or twelve people. I wondered
at the time how it could pay to run an ocean
steamer with so few people; but when we got into
calm water and could see the green fields, I was
astounded to see the number of people who appeared.
There were certainly two or three hundred. I learned
afterward that they were mostly going to the Vienna
Exposition. Only two days could I get on deck, and
on one of these a gentleman had a bad scalp wound
from being thrown against the iron wall of a small
smoking-room erected over a freight hatch."
Arrived in London, Edison set up his apparatus at
the Telegraph Street headquarters, and sent his companion
to Liverpool with the instruments for that
end. The condition of the test was that he was to
send from Liverpool and receive in London, and to
record at the rate of one thousand words per minute,
five hundred words to be sent every half hour for six
hours. Edison was given a wire and batteries to
operate with, but a preliminary test soon showed that
he was going to fail. Both wire and batteries were
poor, and one of the men detailed by the authorities
to watch the test remarked quietly, in a friendly way:
"You are not going to have much show. They are
going to give you an old Bridgewater Canal wire that
is so poor we don't work it, and a lot of `sand batteries'
at Liverpool."[4] The situation was rather depressing
to the young American thus encountering,
for the first time, the stolid conservatism and opposition
to change that characterizes so much of official
life and methods in Europe. "I thanked him," says
Edison, "and hoped to reciprocate somehow. I knew
I was in a hole. I had been staying at a little hotel
in Covent Garden called the Hummums! and got
nothing but roast beef and flounders, and my imagination
was getting into a coma. What I needed was
pastry. That night I found a French pastry shop
in High Holborn Street and filled up. My imagination
got all right. Early in the morning I saw
Gouraud, stated my case, and asked if he would stand
for the purchase of a powerful battery to send to
Liverpool. He said `Yes.' I went immediately to
Apps on the Strand and asked if he had a powerful
battery. He said he hadn't; that all that he had
was Tyndall's Royal Institution battery, which he
supposed would not serve. I saw it--one hundred
cells--and getting the price--one hundred guineas--
hurried to Gouraud. He said `Go ahead.' I telegraphed
to the man in Liverpool. He came on, got
the battery to Liverpool, set up and ready, just two
hours before the test commenced. One of the principal
things that made the system a success was that
the line was put to earth at the sending end through
a magnet, and the extra current from this, passed to
the line, served to sharpen the recording waves. This
new battery was strong enough to pass a powerful
current through the magnet without materially
diminishing the strength of the line current."
[4] The sand battery is now obsolete. In this type, the cell
containing the elements was filled with sand, which was kept moist
with an electrolyte.
The test under these more favorable circumstances
was a success. "The record was as perfect as copper
plate, and not a single remark was made in the `time
lost' column." Edison was now asked if he thought
he could get a greater speed through submarine cables
with this system than with the regular methods, and
replied that he would like a chance to try it. For
this purpose, twenty-two hundred miles of Brazilian
cable then stored under water in tanks at the Greenwich
works of the Telegraph Construction & Maintenance
Company, near London, was placed at his
disposal from 8 P.M. until 6 A.M. "This just suited
me, as I preferred night-work. I got my apparatus
down and set up, and then to get a preliminary idea
of what the distortion of the signal would be, I sent
a single dot, which should have been recorded upon my
automatic paper by a mark about one-thirty-second of
an inch long. Instead of that it was twenty-seven feet
long! If I ever had any conceit, it vanished from
my boots up. I worked on this cable more than two
weeks, and the best I could do was two words per
minute, which was only one-seventh of what the
guaranteed speed of the cable should be when laid.
What I did not know at the time was that a coiled
cable, owing to induction, was infinitely worse than
when laid out straight, and that my speed was as
good as, if not better than, with the regular system;
but no one told me this." While he was engaged on
these tests Colonel Gouraud came down one night to
visit him at the lonely works, spent a vigil with him,
and toward morning wanted coffee. There was only
one little inn near by, frequented by longshoremen and
employees from the soap-works and cement-factories
--a rough lot--and there at daybreak they went as
soon as the other customers had left for work. "The
place had a bar and six bare tables, and was simply
infested with roaches. The only things that I ever
could get were coffee made from burnt bread, with
brown molasses-cake. I ordered these for Gouraud.
The taste of the coffee, the insects, etc., were too
much. He fainted. I gave him a big dose of gin,
and this revived him. He went back to the works
and waited until six when the day men came, and
telegraphed for a carriage. He lost all interest in
the experiments after that, and I was ordered back
to America." Edison states, however, that the automatic
was finally adopted in England and used for
many years; indeed, is still in use there. But they
took whatever was needed from his system, and he
"has never had a cent from them."
Arduous work was at once resumed at home on
duplex and quadruplex telegraphy, just as though
there had been no intermission or discouragement
over dots twenty-seven feet long. A clue to his activity
is furnished in the fact that in 1872 he had
applied for thirty-eight patents in the class of teleg-
raphy, and twenty-five in 1873; several of these
being for duplex methods, on which he had experimented.
The earlier apparatus had been built several
years prior to this, as shown by a curious little
item of news that appeared in the Telegrapher of
January 30, 1869: "T. A. Edison has resigned his
situation in the Western Union office, Boston, and will
devote his time to bringing out his inventions."
Oh, the supreme, splendid confidence of youth! Six
months later, as we have seen, he had already made
his mark, and the same journal, in October, 1869,
could say: "Mr. Edison is a young man of the highest
order of mechanical talent, combined with good
scientific electrical knowledge and experience. He
has already invented and patented a number of
valuable and useful inventions, among which may
be mentioned the best instrument for double transmission
yet brought out." Not bad for a novice of
twenty-two. It is natural, therefore, after his
intervening work on indicators, stock tickers, automatic
telegraphs, and typewriters, to find him harking back
to duplex telegraphy, if, indeed, he can be said to have
dropped it in the interval. It has always been one of
the characteristic features of Edison's method of
inventing that work in several lines has gone forward
at the same time. No one line of investigation has
ever been enough to occupy his thoughts fully; or
to express it otherwise, he has found rest in turning
from one field of work to another, having absolutely
no recreations or hobbies, and not needing them. It
may also be said that, once entering it, Mr. Edison
has never abandoned any field of work. He may
change the line of attack; he may drop the subject
for a time; but sooner or later the note-books or the
Patent Office will bear testimony to the reminiscent
outcropping of latent thought on the matter. His
attention has shifted chronologically, and by process
of evolution, from one problem to another, and some
results are found to be final; but the interest of the
man in the thing never dies out. No one sees more
vividly than he the fact that in the interplay of the
arts one industry shapes and helps another, and that
no invention lives to itself alone.
The path to the quadruplex lay through work on
the duplex, which, suggested first by Moses G. Farmer
in 1852, had been elaborated by many ingenious
inventors, notably in this country by Stearns, before
Edison once again applied his mind to it. The different
methods of such multiple transmission--namely,
the simultaneous dispatch of the two communications
in opposite directions over the same wire, or the
dispatch of both at once in the same direction--gave
plenty of play to ingenuity. Prescott's Elements of
the Electric Telegraph, a standard work in its day,
described "a method of simultaneous transmission
invented by T. A. Edison, of New Jersey, in 1873,"
and says of it: "Its peculiarity consists in the fact
that the signals are transmitted in one direction by
reversing the polarity of a constant current, and in
the opposite direction by increasing or decreasing
the strength of the same current." Herein lay the
germ of the Edison quadruplex. It is also noted that
"In 1874 Edison invented a method of simultaneous
transmission by induced currents, which has given
very satisfactory results in experimental trials." Interest
in the duplex as a field of invention dwindled,
however, as the quadruplex loomed up, for while
the one doubled the capacity of a circuit, the latter
created three "phantom wires," and thus quadruplexed
the working capacity of any line to which
it was applied. As will have been gathered from the
above, the principle embodied in the quadruplex is
that of working over the line with two currents from
each end that differ from each other in strength or
nature, so that they will affect only instruments
adapted to respond to just such currents and no
others; and by so arranging the receiving apparatus
as not to be affected by the currents transmitted from
its own end of the line. Thus by combining instruments
that respond only to variation in the strength
of current from the distant station, with instruments
that respond only to the change in the direction of
current from the distant station, and by grouping a
pair of these at each end of the line, the quadruplex
is the result. Four sending and four receiving operators
are kept busy at each end, or eight in all. Aside
from other material advantages, it is estimated that
at least from $15,000,000 to $20,000,000 has been
saved by the Edison quadruplex merely in the cost
of line construction in America.
The quadruplex has not as a rule the same working
efficiency that four separate wires have. This is due
to the fact that when one of the receiving operators
is compelled to "break" the sending operator for any
reason, the "break" causes the interruption of the
work of eight operators, instead of two, as would be
the case on a single wire. The working efficiency of
the quadruplex, therefore, with the apparatus in good
working condition, depends entirely upon the skill
of the operators employed to operate it. But this
does not reflect upon or diminish the ingenuity required
for its invention. Speaking of the problem
involved, Edison said some years later to Mr. Upton,
his mathematical assistant, that "he always considered
he was only working from one room to another.
Thus he was not confused by the amount of wire and
the thought of distance."
The immense difficulties of reducing such a system
to practice may be readily conceived, especially when
it is remembered that the "line" itself, running across
hundreds of miles of country, is subject to all manner
of atmospheric conditions, and varies from moment
to moment in its ability to carry current, and also
when it is borne in mind that the quadruplex requires
at each end of the line a so-called "artificial line,"
which must have the exact resistance of the working
line and must be varied with the variations in resistance
of the working line. At this juncture other
schemes were fermenting in his brain; but the
quadruplex engrossed him. "This problem was of most
difficult and complicated kind, and I bent all my
energies toward its solution. It required a peculiar
effort of the mind, such as the imagining of eight
different things moving simultaneously on a mental
plane, without anything to demonstrate their
efficiency." It is perhaps hardly to be wondered at
that when notified he would have to pay 12 1/2 per cent.
extra if his taxes in Newark were not at once paid,
he actually forgot his own name when asked for it
suddenly at the City Hall, lost his place in the line,
and, the fatal hour striking, had to pay the surcharge
after all!
So important an invention as the quadruplex could
not long go begging, but there were many difficulties
connected with its introduction, some of which are
best described in Mr. Edison's own words: "Around
1873 the owners of the Automatic Telegraph Company
commenced negotiations with Jay Gould for
the purchase of the wires between New York and
Washington, and the patents for the system, then in
successful operation. Jay Gould at that time controlled
the Atlantic & Pacific Telegraph Company,
and was competing with the Western Union and
endeavoring to depress Western Union stock on the
Exchange. About this time I invented the quadruplex.
I wanted to interest the Western Union Telegraph
Company in it, with a view of selling it, but
was unsuccessful until I made an arrangement with
the chief electrician of the company, so that he could
be known as a joint inventor and receive a portion of
the money. At that time I was very short of money,
and needed it more than glory. This electrician
appeared to want glory more than money, so it was an
easy trade. I brought my apparatus over and was
given a separate room with a marble-tiled floor,
which, by-the-way, was a very hard kind of floor to
sleep on, and started in putting on the finishing
touches.
"After two months of very hard work, I got a
detail at regular times of eight operators, and we
got it working nicely from one room to another over
a wire which ran to Albany and back. Under certain
conditions of weather, one side of the quadruplex
would work very shakily, and I had not succeeded
in ascertaining the cause of the trouble. On a certain
day, when there was a board meeting of the company,
I was to make an exhibition test. The day arrived.
I had picked the best operators in New York, and
they were familiar with the apparatus. I arranged
that if a storm occurred, and the bad side got shaky,
they should do the best they could and draw freely
on their imaginations. They were sending old messages.
About 1, o'clock everything went wrong, as
there was a storm somewhere near Albany, and the
bad side got shaky. Mr. Orton, the president, and
Wm. H. Vanderbilt and the other directors came in.
I had my heart trying to climb up around my oesophagus.
I was paying a sheriff five dollars a day to
withhold judgment which had been entered against
me in a case which I had paid no attention to; and if
the quadruplex had not worked before the president,
I knew I was to have trouble and might lose my
machinery. The New York Times came out next
day with a full account. I was given $5000 as part
payment for the invention, which made me easy, and
I expected the whole thing would be closed up. But
Mr. Orton went on an extended tour just about that
time. I had paid for all the experiments on the
quadruplex and exhausted the money, and I was
again in straits. In the mean time I had introduced
the apparatus on the lines of the company, where it
was very successful.
"At that time the general superintendent of the
Western Union was Gen. T. T. Eckert (who had been
Assistant Secretary of War with Stanton). Eckert
was secretly negotiating with Gould to leave the
Western Union and take charge of the Atlantic &
Pacific--Gould's company. One day Eckert called
me into his office and made inquiries about money
matters. I told him Mr. Orton had gone off and left
me without means, and I was in straits. He told me
I would never get another cent, but that he knew a
man who would buy it. I told him of my arrangement
with the electrician, and said I could not sell
it as a whole to anybody; but if I got enough for it,
I would sell all my interest in any SHARE I might have.
He seemed to think his party would agree to this. I
had a set of quadruplex over in my shop, 10 and 12
Ward Street, Newark, and he arranged to bring him
over next evening to see the apparatus. So the next
morning Eckert came over with Jay Gould and
introduced him to me. This was the first time I had
ever seen him. I exhibited and explained the
apparatus, and they departed. The next day Eckert
sent for me, and I was taken up to Gould's house,
which was near the Windsor Hotel, Fifth Avenue.
In the basement he had an office. It was in the
evening, and we went in by the servants' entrance,
as Eckert probably feared that he was watched.
Gould started in at once and asked me how much I
wanted. I said: `Make me an offer.' Then he said:
`I will give you $30,000.' I said: `I will sell any
interest I may have for that money,' which was something
more than I thought I could get. The next
morning I went with Gould to the office of his lawyers,
Sherman & Sterling, and received a check for
$30,000, with a remark by Gould that I had got the
steamboat Plymouth Rock, as he had sold her for
$30,000 and had just received the check. There
was a big fight on between Gould's company and the
Western Union, and this caused more litigation.
The electrician, on account of the testimony involved,
lost his glory. The judge never decided the case,
but went crazy a few months afterward." It was
obviously a characteristically shrewd move on the
part of Mr. Gould to secure an interest in the quadruplex,
as a factor in his campaign against the Western
Union, and as a decisive step toward his control of
that system, by the subsequent merger that included
not only the Atlantic & Pacific Telegraph Company,
but the American Union Telegraph Company.
Nor was Mr. Gould less appreciative of the value of
Edison's automatic system. Referring to matters
that will be taken up later in the narrative, Edison
says: "After this Gould wanted me to help install the
automatic system in the Atlantic & Pacific company,
of which General Eckert had been elected president,
the company having bought the Automatic Telegraph
Company. I did a lot of work for this company
making automatic apparatus in my shop at Newark.
About this time I invented a district messenger call-
box system, and organized a company called the
Domestic Telegraph Company, and started in to install
the system in New York. I had great difficulty
in getting subscribers, having tried several canvassers,
who, one after the other, failed to get sub-
scribers. When I was about to give it up, a test
operator named Brown, who was on the Automatic
Telegraph wire between New York and Washington,
which passed through my Newark shop, asked permission
to let him try and see if he couldn't get subscribers.
I had very little faith in his ability to get
any, but I thought I would give him a chance, as he
felt certain of his ability to succeed. He started in,
and the results were surprising. Within a month he
had procured two hundred subscribers, and the company
was a success. I have never quite understood
why six men should fail absolutely, while the seventh
man should succeed. Perhaps hypnotism would
account for it. This company was sold out to the
Atlantic & Pacific company." As far back as 1872,
Edison had applied for a patent on district messenger
signal boxes, but it was not issued until
January, 1874, another patent being granted in
September of the same year. In this field of telegraph
application, as in others, Edison was a very early
comer, his only predecessor being the fertile and
ingenious Callahan, of stock-ticker fame. The first
president of the Gold & Stock Telegraph Company,
Elisha W. Andrews, had resigned in 1870 in order to
go to England to introduce the stock ticker in London.
He lived in Englewood, New Jersey, and the
very night he had packed his trunk the house was
burglarized. Calling on his nearest friend the next
morning for even a pair of suspenders, Mr. Andrews
was met with regrets of inability, because the burglars
had also been there. A third and fourth friend in
the vicinity was appealed to with the same dishearten-
ing reply of a story of wholesale spoliation. Mr.
Callahan began immediately to devise a system of
protection for Englewood; but at that juncture a
servant-girl who had been for many years with a
family on the Heights in Brooklyn went mad suddenly
and held an aged widow and her daughter as
helpless prisoners for twenty-four hours without
food or water. This incident led to an extension of
the protective idea, and very soon a system was
installed in Brooklyn with one hundred subscribers.
Out of this grew in turn the district messenger system,
for it was just as easy to call a messenger as to sound
a fire-alarm or summon the police. To-day no large
city in America is without a service of this character,
but its function was sharply limited by the introduction
of the telephone.
Returning to the automatic telegraph it is interesting
to note that so long as Edison was associated with
it as a supervising providence it did splendid work,
which renders the later neglect of automatic or
"rapid telegraphy" the more remarkable. Reid's
standard Telegraph in America bears astonishing testimony
on this point in 1880, as follows: "The Atlantic
& Pacific Telegraph Company had twenty-two
automatic stations. These included the chief cities
on the seaboard, Buffalo, Chicago, and Omaha. The
through business during nearly two years was largely
transmitted in this way. Between New York and
Boston two thousand words a minute have been sent.
The perforated paper was prepared at the rate of
twenty words per minute. Whatever its demerits
this system enabled the Atlantic & Pacific company
to handle a much larger business during 1875 and 1876
than it could otherwise have done with its limited
number of wires in their then condition." Mr. Reid
also notes as a very thorough test of the perfect
practicability of the system, that it handled the
President's message, December 3, 1876, of 12,600 words
with complete success. This long message was filed
at Washington at 1.05 and delivered in New York at
2.07. The first 9000 words were transmitted in
forty-five minutes. The perforated strips were prepared
in thirty minutes by ten persons, and duplicated
by nine copyists. But to-day, nearly thirty-
five years later, telegraphy in America is still
practically on a basis of hand transmission!
Of this period and his association with Jay Gould,
some very interesting glimpses are given by Edison.
"While engaged in putting in the automatic system,
I saw a great deal of Gould, and frequently went
uptown to his office to give information. Gould had
no sense of humor. I tried several times to get off
what seemed to me a funny story, but he failed to see
any humor in them. I was very fond of stories, and
had a choice lot, always kept fresh, with which I
could usually throw a man into convulsions. One
afternoon Gould started in to explain the great future
of the Union Pacific Railroad, which he then controlled.
He got a map, and had an immense amount
of statistics. He kept at it for over four hours, and
got very enthusiastic. Why he should explain to me,
a mere inventor, with no capital or standing, I couldn't
make out. He had a peculiar eye, and I made up
my mind that there was a strain of insanity some-
where. This idea was strengthened shortly afterward
when the Western Union raised the monthly
rental of the stock tickers. Gould had one in his
house office, which he watched constantly. This he
had removed, to his great inconvenience, because the
price had been advanced a few dollars! He railed over
it. This struck me as abnormal. I think Gould's
success was due to abnormal development. He certainly
had one trait that all men must have who want
to succeed. He collected every kind of information
and statistics about his schemes, and had all the
data. His connection with men prominent in official
life, of which I was aware, was surprising to me. His
conscience seemed to be atrophied, but that may be
due to the fact that he was contending with men
who never had any to be atrophied. He worked incessantly
until 12 or 1 o'clock at night. He took no
pride in building up an enterprise. He was after
money, and money only. Whether the company
was a success or a failure mattered not to him. After
he had hammered the Western Union through his
opposition company and had tired out Mr. Vanderbilt,
the latter retired from control, and Gould went
in and consolidated his company and controlled the
Western Union. He then repudiated the contract
with the Automatic Telegraph people, and they never
received a cent for their wires or patents, and I lost
three years of very hard labor. But I never had any
grudge against him, because he was so able in his line,
and as long as my part was successful the money with
me was a secondary consideration. When Gould got
the Western Union I knew no further progress in
telegraphy was possible, and I went into other lines."
The truth is that General Eckert was a conservative
--even a reactionary--and being prejudiced like many
other American telegraph managers against "machine
telegraphy," threw out all such improvements.
The course of electrical history has been variegated
by some very remarkable litigation; but none
was ever more extraordinary than that referred to
here as arising from the transfer of the Automatic
Telegraph Company to Mr. Jay Gould and the
Atlantic & Pacific Telegraph Company. The terms
accepted by Colonel Reiff from Mr. Gould, on December
30, 1874, provided that the purchasing telegraph
company should increase its capital to $15,000,000,
of which the Automatic interests were to receive
$4,000,000 for their patents, contracts, etc. The
stock was then selling at about 25, and in the later
consolidation with the Western Union "went in"
at about 60; so that the real purchase price was not
less than $1,000,000 in cash. There was a private
arrangement in writing with Mr. Gould that he was
to receive one-tenth of the "result" to the Automatic
group, and a tenth of the further results secured
at home and abroad. Mr. Gould personally bought
up and gave money and bonds for one or two individual
interests on the above basis, including that
of Harrington, who in his representative capacity
executed assignments to Mr. Gould. But payments
were then stopped, and the other owners were left
without any compensation, although all that belonged
to them in the shape of property and patents
was taken over bodily into Atlantic & Pacific hands,
and never again left them. Attempts at settlement
were made in their behalf, and dragged wearily,
due apparently to the fact that the plans were
blocked by General Eckert, who had in some
manner taken offence at a transaction effected
without his active participation in all the details.
Edison, who became under the agreement the electrician
of the Atlantic & Pacific Telegraph Company,
has testified to the unfriendly attitude assumed toward
him by General Eckert, as president. In a
graphic letter from Menlo Park to Mr. Gould, dated
February 2, 1877, Edison makes a most vigorous and
impassioned complaint of his treatment, "which,
acting cumulatively, was a long, unbroken
disappointment to me"; and he reminds Mr. Gould of
promises made to him the day the transfer had been
effected of Edison's interest in the quadruplex. The
situation was galling to the busy, high-spirited young
inventor, who, moreover, "had to live"; and it led
to his resumption of work for the Western Union
Telegraph Company, which was only too glad to get
him back. Meantime, the saddened and perplexed
Automatic group was left unpaid, and it was not
until 1906, on a bill filed nearly thirty years before,
that Judge Hazel, in the United States Circuit Court for
the Southern District of New York, found strongly
in favor of the claimants and ordered an accounting.
The court held that there had been a most wrongful
appropriation of the patents, including alike those
relating to the automatic, the duplex, and the quadruplex,
all being included in the general arrangement
under which Mr. Gould had held put his tempting
bait of $4,000,000. In the end, however, the complainant
had nothing to show for all his struggle,
as the master who made the accounting set the
damages at one dollar!
Aside from the great value of the quadruplex,
saving millions of dollars, for a share in which Edison
received $30,000, the automatic itself is described
as of considerable utility by Sir William Thomson
in his juror report at the Centennial Exposition of
1876, recommending it for award. This leading
physicist of his age, afterward Lord Kelvin, was an
adept in telegraphy, having made the ocean cable
talk, and he saw in Edison's "American Automatic,"
as exhibited by the Atlantic & Pacific company, a
most meritorious and useful system. With the aid
of Mr. E. H. Johnson he made exhaustive tests, carrying
away with him to Glasgow University the surprising
records that he obtained. His official report
closes thus: "The electromagnetic shunt with soft
iron core, invented by Mr. Edison, utilizing Professor
Henry's discovery of electromagnetic induction in a
single circuit to produce a momentary reversal of the
line current at the instant when the battery is thrown
off and so cut off the chemical marks sharply at the
proper instant, is the electrical secret of the great
speed he has achieved. The main peculiarities of
Mr. Edison's automatic telegraph shortly stated in
conclusion are: (1) the perforator; (2) the contact-
maker; (3) the electromagnetic shunt; and (4) the
ferric cyanide of iron solution. It deserves award as
a very important step in land telegraphy." The attitude
thus disclosed toward Mr. Edison's work was
never changed, except that admiration grew as fresh
inventions were brought forward. To the day of his
death Lord Kelvin remained on terms of warmest
friendship with his American co-laborer, with whose
genius he thus first became acquainted at Philadelphia
in the environment of Franklin.
It is difficult to give any complete idea of the activity
maintained at the Newark shops during these
anxious, harassed years, but the statement that at
one time no fewer than forty-five different inventions
were being worked upon, will furnish some notion of
the incandescent activity of the inventor and his
assistants. The hours were literally endless; and
upon one occasion, when the order was in hand for
a large quantity of stock tickers, Edison locked his
men in until the job had been finished of making
the machine perfect, and "all the bugs taken out,"
which meant sixty hours of unintermitted struggle
with the difficulties. Nor were the problems and inventions
all connected with telegraphy. On the contrary,
Edison's mind welcomed almost any new suggestion
as a relief from the regular work in hand.
Thus: "Toward the latter part of 1875, in the Newark
shop, I invented a device for multiplying copies of
letters, which I sold to Mr. A. B. Dick, of Chicago,
and in the years since it has been universally introduced
throughout the world. It is called the `Mimeograph.'
I also invented devices for and introduced
paraffin paper, now used universally for wrapping up
candy, etc." The mimeograph employs a pointed
stylus, used as in writing with a lead-pencil, which
is moved over a kind of tough prepared paper placed
on a finely grooved steel plate. The writing is thus
traced by means of a series of minute perforations in
the sheet, from which, as a stencil, hundreds of copies
can be made. Such stencils can be prepared on
typewriters. Edison elaborated this principle in two
other forms--one pneumatic and one electric--the
latter being in essence a reciprocating motor. Inside
the barrel of the electric pen a little plunger, carrying
the stylus, travels to and fro at a very high rate
of speed, due to the attraction and repulsion of the
solenoid coils of wire surrounding it; and as the hand
of the writer guides it the pen thus makes its record
in a series of very minute perforations in the paper.
The current from a small battery suffices to energize
the pen, and with the stencil thus made hundreds of
copies of the document can be furnished. As a matter
of fact, as many as three thousand copies have been
made from a single mimeographic stencil of this
character.
CHAPTER IX
THE TELEPHONE, MOTOGRAPH, AND MICROPHONE
A VERY great invention has its own dramatic history.
Episodes full of human interest attend
its development. The periods of weary struggle, the
daring adventure along unknown paths, the clash of
rival claimants, are closely similar to those which
mark the revelation and subjugation of a new continent.
At the close of the epoch of discovery it is
seen that mankind as a whole has made one more
great advance; but in the earlier stages one watched
chiefly the confused vicissitudes of fortune of the
individual pioneers. The great modern art of telephony
has had thus in its beginnings, its evolution,
and its present status as a universal medium of
intercourse, all the elements of surprise, mystery,
swift creation of wealth, tragic interludes, and colossal
battle that can appeal to the imagination and hold
public attention. And in this new electrical industry,
in laying its essential foundations, Edison has
again been one of the dominant figures.
As far back as 1837, the American, Page, discovered
the curious fact that an iron bar, when magnetized
and demagnetized at short intervals of time, emitted
sounds due to the molecular disturbances in the
mass. Philipp Reis, a simple professor in Germany,
utilized this principle in the construction of apparatus
for the transmission of sound; but in the grasp of
the idea he was preceded by Charles Bourseul, a
young French soldier in Algeria, who in 1854, under
the title of "Electrical Telephony," in a Parisian
illustrated paper, gave a brief and lucid description as
follows:
"We know that sounds are made by vibrations, and
are made sensible to the ear by the same vibrations, which
are reproduced by the intervening medium. But the intensity
of the vibrations diminishes very rapidly with the
distance; so that even with the aid of speaking-tubes and
trumpets it is impossible to exceed somewhat narrow
limits. Suppose a man speaks near a movable disk
sufficiently flexible to lose none of the vibrations of the
voice; that this disk alternately makes and breaks the
connection with a battery; you may have at a distance
another disk which will simultaneously execute the same
vibrations.... Any one who is not deaf and dumb may
use this mode of transmission, which would require no
apparatus except an electric battery, two vibrating disks,
and a wire."
This would serve admirably for a portrayal of the
Bell telephone, except that it mentions distinctly
the use of the make-and-break method (i. e., where
the circuit is necessarily opened and closed as in
telegraphy, although, of course, at an enormously
higher rate), which has never proved practical.
So far as is known Bourseul was not practical
enough to try his own suggestion, and never made
a telephone. About 1860, Reis built several forms
of electrical telephonic apparatus, all imitating in
some degree the human ear, with its auditory tube,
tympanum, etc., and examples of the apparatus were
exhibited in public not only in Germany, but in
England. There is a variety of testimony to the
effect that not only musical sounds, but stray words
and phrases, were actually transmitted with mediocre,
casual success. It was impossible, however, to maintain
the devices in adjustment for more than a few
seconds, since the invention depended upon the
make-and-break principle, the circuit being made and
broken every time an impulse-creating sound went
through it, causing the movement of the diaphragm
on which the sound-waves impinged. Reis himself
does not appear to have been sufficiently interested
in the marvellous possibilities of the idea to follow
it up--remarking to the man who bought his telephonic
instruments and tools that he had shown the
world the way. In reality it was not the way, although
a monument erected to his memory at Frankfort
styles him the inventor of the telephone. As
one of the American judges said, in deciding an early
litigation over the invention of the telephone, a hundred
years of Reis would not have given the world
the telephonic art for public use. Many others after
Reis tried to devise practical make-and-break telephones,
and all failed; although their success would
have rendered them very valuable as a means of
fighting the Bell patent. But the method was a good
starting-point, even if it did not indicate the real
path. If Reis had been willing to experiment with
his apparatus so that it did not make-and-break, he
would probably have been the true father of the
telephone, besides giving it the name by which it is
known. It was not necessary to slam the gate open
and shut. All that was required was to keep the
gate closed, and rattle the latch softly. Incidentally
it may be noted that Edison in experimenting with
the Reis transmitter recognized at once the defect
caused by the make-and-break action, and sought
to keep the gap closed by the use, first, of one drop
of water, and later of several drops. But the water
decomposed, and the incurable defect was still there.
The Reis telephone was brought to America by
Dr. P. H. Van der Weyde, a well-known physicist in
his day, and was exhibited by him before a technical
audience at Cooper Union, New York, in 1868, and
described shortly after in the technical press. The
apparatus attracted attention, and a set was secured
by Prof. Joseph Henry for the Smithsonian Institution.
There the famous philosopher showed and explained
it to Alexander Graham Bell, when that
young and persevering Scotch genius went to get
help and data as to harmonic telegraphy, upon which
he was working, and as to transmitting vocal sounds.
Bell took up immediately and energetically the idea
that his two predecessors had dropped--and reached
the goal. In 1875 Bell, who as a student and teacher
of vocal physiology had unusual qualifications for
determining feasible methods of speech transmission,
constructed his first pair of magneto telephones for
such a purpose. In February of 1876 his first telephone
patent was applied for, and in March it was
issued. The first published account of the modern
speaking telephone was a paper read by Bell before
the American Academy of Arts and Sciences in Bos-
ton in May of that year; while at the Centennial
Exposition at Philadelphia the public first gained
any familiarity with it. It was greeted at once with
scientific acclaim and enthusiasm as a distinctly new
and great invention, although at first it was regarded
more as a scientific toy than as a commercially valuable
device.
By an extraordinary coincidence, the very day that
Bell's application for a patent went into the United
States Patent Office, a caveat was filed there by
Elisha Gray, of Chicago, covering the specific idea of
transmitting speech and reproducing it in a telegraphic
circuit "through an instrument capable of
vibrating responsively to all the tones of the human
voice, and by which they are rendered audible." Out
of this incident arose a struggle and a controversy
whose echoes are yet heard as to the legal and moral
rights of the two inventors, the assertion even being
made that one of the most important claims of Gray,
that on a liquid battery transmitter, was surreptitiously
"lifted" into the Bell application, then covering
only the magneto telephone. It was also asserted
that the filing of the Gray caveat antedated by a few
hours the filing of the Bell application. All such issues
when brought to the American courts were brushed
aside, the Bell patent being broadly maintained in
all its remarkable breadth and fullness, embracing
an entire art; but Gray was embittered and chagrined,
and to the last expressed his belief that the
honor and glory should have been his. The path of
Gray to the telephone was a natural one. A Quaker
carpenter who studied five years at Oberlin College,
he took up electrical invention, and brought out
many ingenious devices in rapid succession in the
telegraphic field, including the now universal needle
annunciator for hotels, etc., the useful telautograph,
automatic self-adjusting relays, private-line printers
--leading up to his famous "harmonic" system.
This was based upon the principle that a sound
produced in the presence of a reed or tuning-fork
responding to the sound, and acting as the armature of
a magnet in a closed circuit, would, by induction,
set up electric impulses in the circuit and cause a
distant magnet having a similarly tuned armature to
produce the same tone or note. He also found that
over the same wire at the same time another series
of impulses corresponding to another note could be
sent through the agency of a second set of magnets
without in any way interfering with the first series
of impulses. Building the principle into apparatus,
with a keyboard and vibrating "reeds" before his
magnets, Doctor Gray was able not only to transmit
music by his harmonic telegraph, but went so far as
to send nine different telegraph messages at the
same instant, each set of instruments depending on
its selective note, while any intermediate office could
pick up the message for itself by simply tuning its
relays to the keynote required. Theoretically the
system could be split up into any number of notes
and semi-tones. Practically it served as the basis
of some real telegraphic work, but is not now in use.
Any one can realize, however, that it did not take so
acute and ingenious a mind very long to push forward
to the telephone, as a dangerous competitor
with Bell, who had also, like Edison, been working
assiduously in the field of acoustic and multiple telegraphs.
Seen in the retrospect, the struggle for the
goal at this moment was one of the memorable incidents
in electrical history.
Among the interesting papers filed at the Orange
Laboratory is a lithograph, the size of an ordinary
patent drawing, headed "First Telephone on Record."
The claim thus made goes back to the period
when all was war, and when dispute was hot and rife
as to the actual invention of the telephone. The
device shown, made by Edison in 1875, was actually
included in a caveat filed January 14, 1876, a month
before Bell or Gray. It shows a little solenoid
arrangement, with one end of the plunger attached to
the diaphragm of a speaking or resonating chamber.
Edison states that while the device is crudely capable
of use as a magneto telephone, he did not invent it
for transmitting speech, but as an apparatus for
analyzing the complex waves arising from various
sounds. It was made in pursuance of his investigations
into the subject of harmonic telegraphs. He
did not try the effect of sound-waves produced by
the human voice until Bell came forward a few months
later; but he found then that this device, made in
1875, was capable of use as a telephone. In his testimony
and public utterances Edison has always given
Bell credit for the discovery of the transmission of
articulate speech by talking against a diaphragm
placed in front of an electromagnet; but it is only
proper here to note, in passing, the curious fact that
he had actually produced a device that COULD talk,
prior to 1876, and was therefore very close to Bell,
who took the one great step further. A strong
characterization of the value and importance of the work
done by Edison in the development of the carbon
transmitter will be found in the decision of Judge
Brown in the United States Circuit Court of Appeals,
sitting in Boston, on February 27, 1901, declaring
void the famous Berliner patent of the Bell telephone
system.[5]
[5] See Federal Reporter, vol. 109, p. 976 et seq.
Bell's patent of 1876 was of an all-embracing character,
which only the make-and-break principle, if
practical, could have escaped. It was pointed out
in the patent that Bell discovered the great principle
that electrical undulations induced by the vibrations
of a current produced by sound-waves can be
represented graphically by the same sinusoidal curve
that expresses the original sound vibrations themselves;
or, in other words, that a curve representing
sound vibrations will correspond precisely to a curve
representing electric impulses produced or generated
by those identical sound vibrations--as, for example,
when the latter impinge upon a diaphragm acting
as an armature of an electromagnet, and which by
movement to and fro sets up the electric impulses by
induction. To speak plainly, the electric impulses
correspond in form and character to the sound vibration
which they represent. This reduced to a patent
"claim" governed the art as firmly as a papal bull
for centuries enabled Spain to hold the Western
world. The language of the claim is: "The method
of and apparatus for transmitting vocal or other
sounds telegraphically as herein described, by causing
electrical undulations similar in form to the vibrations
of the air accompanying the said vocal or other
sounds substantially as set forth." It was a long
time, however, before the inclusive nature of this
grant over every possible telephone was understood
or recognized, and litigation for and against the
patent lasted during its entire life. At the outset,
the commercial value of the telephone was little
appreciated by the public, and Bell had the greatest
difficulty in securing capital; but among far-sighted
inventors there was an immediate "rush to the gold
fields." Bell's first apparatus was poor, the results
being described by himself as "unsatisfactory and
discouraging," which was almost as true of the
devices he exhibited at the Philadelphia Centennial.
The new-comers, like Edison, Berliner, Blake, Hughes,
Gray, Dolbear, and others, brought a wealth of ideas,
a fund of mechanical ingenuity, and an inventive
ability which soon made the telephone one of the
most notable gains of the century, and one of the
most valuable additions to human resources. The
work that Edison did was, as usual, marked by
infinite variety of method as well as by the power to
seize on the one needed element of practical success.
Every one of the six million telephones in use in the
United States, and of the other millions in use through
out the world, bears the imprint of his genius, as at
one time the instruments bore his stamped name.
For years his name was branded on every Bell telephone
set, and his patents were a mainstay of what
has been popularly called the "Bell monopoly."
Speaking of his own efforts in this field, Mr. Edison
says:
"In 1876 I started again to experiment for the
Western Union and Mr. Orton. This time it was the
telephone. Bell invented the first telephone, which
consisted of the present receiver, used both as a
transmitter and a receiver (the magneto type). It
was attempted to introduce it commercially, but it
failed on account of its faintness and the extraneous
sounds which came in on its wires from various
causes. Mr. Orton wanted me to take hold of it and
make it commercial. As I had also been working on
a telegraph system employing tuning-forks,
simultaneously with both Bell and Gray, I was pretty
familiar with the subject. I started in, and soon
produced the carbon transmitter, which is now
universally used.
"Tests were made between New York and Philadelphia,
also between New York and Washington,
using regular Western Union wires. The noises were
so great that not a word could be heard with the Bell
receiver when used as a transmitter between New
York and Newark, New Jersey. Mr. Orton and
W. K. Vanderbilt and the board of directors witnessed
and took part in the tests. The Western
Union then put them on private lines. Mr. Theodore
Puskas, of Budapest, Hungary, was the first man
to suggest a telephone exchange, and soon after
exchanges were established. The telephone department
was put in the hands of Hamilton McK. Twombly,
Vanderbilt's ablest son-in-law, who made a success
of it. The Bell company, of Boston, also started an
exchange, and the fight was on, the Western Union
pirating the Bell receiver, and the Boston company
pirating the Western Union transmitter. About this
time I wanted to be taken care of. I threw out hints
of this desire. Then Mr. Orton sent for me. He had
learned that inventors didn't do business by the
regular process, and concluded he would close it
right up. He asked me how much I wanted. I had
made up my mind it was certainly worth $25,000,
if it ever amounted to anything for central-station
work, so that was the sum I had in mind to stick to
and get--obstinately. Still it had been an easy job,
and only required a few months, and I felt a little
shaky and uncertain. So I asked him to make me
an offer. He promptly said he would give me
$100,000. `All right,' I said. `It is yours on one
condition, and that is that you do not pay it all at
once, but pay me at the rate of $6000 per year for
seventeen years'--the life of the patent. He seemed
only too pleased to do this, and it was closed. My
ambition was about four times too large for my
business capacity, and I knew that I would soon
spend this money experimenting if I got it all at
once, so I fixed it that I couldn't. I saved seventeen
years of worry by this stroke."
Thus modestly is told the debut of Edison in the
telephone art, to which with his carbon transmitter
he gave the valuable principle of varying the resistance
of the transmitting circuit with changes in the
pressure, as well as the vital practice of using the
induction coil as a means of increasing the effective
length of the talking circuit. Without these, modern
telephony would not and could not exist.[6] But Edison,
in telephonic work, as in other directions, was
remarkably fertile and prolific. His first inventions
in the art, made in 1875-76, continue through many
later years, including all kinds of carbon instruments
--the water telephone, electrostatic telephone,
condenser telephone, chemical telephone, various
magneto telephones, inertia telephone, mercury telephone,
voltaic pile telephone, musical transmitter, and
the electromotograph. All were actually made and
tested.
[6] Briefly stated, the essential difference between Bell's
telephone and Edison's is this: With the former the sound vibrations
impinge upon a steel diaphragm arranged adjacent to the pole of
a bar electromagnet, whereby the diaphragm acts as an armature,
and by its vibrations induces very weak electric impulses
in the magnetic coil. These impulses, according to Bell's theory,
correspond in form to the sound-waves, and passing over the line
energize the magnet coil at the receiving end, and by varying the
magnetism cause the receiving diaphragm to be similarly vibrated
to reproduce the sounds. A single apparatus is therefore used at
each end, performing the double function of transmitter and receiver.
With Edison's telephone a closed circuit is used on which
is constantly flowing a battery current, and included in that circuit
is a pair of electrodes, one or both of which is of carbon.
These electrodes are always in contact with a certain initial
pressure, so that current will be always flowing over the circuit.
One of the electrodes is connected with the diaphragm on which
the sound-waves impinge, and the vibration of this diaphragm
causes the pressure between the electrodes to be correspondingly
varied, and thereby effects a variation in the current, resulting in
the production of impulses which actuate the receiving magnet.
In other words, with Bell's telephone the sound-waves themselves
generate the electric impulses, which are hence extremely
faint. With the Edison telephone, the sound-waves actuate an
electric valve, so to speak, and permit variations in a current of
any desired strength.
A second distinction between the two telephones is this: With
the Bell apparatus the very weak electric impulses generated by
the vibration of the transmitting diaphragm pass over the entire
line to the receiving end, and in consequence the permissible
length of line is limited to a few miles under ideal conditions.
With Edison's telephone the battery current does not flow on
the main line, but passes through the primary circuit of an
induction coil, by which corresponding impulses of enormously
higher potential are sent out on the main line to the receiving
end. In consequence, the line may be hundreds of miles in
length. No modern telephone system in use to-day lacks these
characteristic features--the varying resistance and the induction
coil.
The principle of the electromotograph was utilized
by Edison in more ways than one, first of all in telegraphy
at this juncture. The well-known Page patent,
which had lingered in the Patent Office for years, had
just been issued, and was considered a formidable
weapon. It related to the use of a retractile spring
to withdraw the armature lever from the magnet of
a telegraph or other relay or sounder, and thus controlled
the art of telegraphy, except in simple circuits.
"There was no known way," remarks Edison,
"whereby this patent could be evaded, and its
possessor would eventually control the use of what
is known as the relay and sounder, and this was vital
to telegraphy. Gould was pounding the Western
Union on the Stock Exchange, disturbing its railroad
contracts, and, being advised by his lawyers that
this patent was of great value, bought it. The moment
Mr. Orton heard this he sent for me and explained
the situation, and wanted me to go to work
immediately and see if I couldn't evade it or discover
some other means that could be used in case Gould
sustained the patent. It seemed a pretty hard job,
because there was no known means of moving a
lever at the other end of a telegraph wire except by
the use of a magnet. I said I would go at it that
night. In experimenting some years previously, I
had discovered a very peculiar phenomenon, and that
was that if a piece of metal connected to a battery
was rubbed over a moistened piece of chalk resting
on a metal connected to the other pole, when the
current passed the friction was greatly diminished.
When the current was reversed the friction was greatly
increased over what it was when no current was
passing. Remembering this, I substituted a piece of
chalk rotated by a small electric motor for the magnet,
and connecting a sounder to a metallic finger
resting on the chalk, the combination claim of Page
was made worthless. A hitherto unknown means was
introduced in the electric art. Two or three of the
devices were made and tested by the company's expert.
Mr. Orton, after he had me sign the patent
application and got it in the Patent Office, wanted
to settle for it at once. He asked my price. Again
I said: `Make me an offer.' Again he named $100,000.
I accepted, providing he would pay it at the
rate of $6000 a year for seventeen years. This was
done, and thus, with the telephone money, I received
$12,000 yearly for that period from the Western
Union Telegraph Company."
A year or two later the motograph cropped up again
in Edison's work in a curious manner. The telephone
was being developed in England, and Edison had
made arrangements with Colonel Gouraud, his old
associate in the automatic telegraph, to represent his
interests. A company was formed, a large number
of instruments were made and sent to Gouraud in
London, and prospects were bright. Then there came
a threat of litigation from the owners of the Bell
patent, and Gouraud found he could not push the
enterprise unless he could avoid using what was asserted
to be an infringement of the Bell receiver.
He cabled for help to Edison, who sent back word
telling him to hold the fort. "I had recourse again,"
says Edison, "to the phenomenon discovered by me
years previous, that the friction of a rubbing electrode
passing over a moist chalk surface was varied by
electricity. I devised a telephone receiver which
was afterward known as the `loud-speaking telephone,'
or `chalk receiver.' There was no magnet,
simply a diaphragm and a cylinder of compressed
chalk about the size of a thimble. A thin spring
connected to the centre of the diaphragm extended
outwardly and rested on the chalk cylinder, and was
pressed against it with a pressure equal to that which
would be due to a weight of about six pounds. The
chalk was rotated by hand. The volume of sound
was very great. A person talking into the carbon
transmitter in New York had his voice so amplified
that he could be heard one thousand feet away in
an open field at Menlo Park. This great excess of
power was due to the fact that the latter came from
the person turning the handle. The voice, instead
of furnishing all the power as with the present receiver,
merely controlled the power, just as an engineer
working a valve would control a powerful
engine.
"I made six of these receivers and sent them in
charge of an expert on the first steamer. They were
welcomed and tested, and shortly afterward I shipped
a hundred more. At the same time I was ordered to
send twenty young men, after teaching them to become
expert. I set up an exchange, around the
laboratory, of ten instruments. I would then go out
and get each one out of order in every conceivable
way, cutting the wires of one, short-circuiting another,
destroying the adjustment of a third, putting
dirt between the electrodes of a fourth, and so on.
A man would be sent to each to find out the trouble.
When he could find the trouble ten consecutive
times, using five minutes each, he was sent to London.
About sixty men were sifted to get twenty.
Before all had arrived, the Bell company there, seeing
we could not be stopped, entered into negotiations
for consolidation. One day I received a cable from
Gouraud offering `30,000' for my interest. I cabled
back I would accept. When the draft came I was
astonished to find it was for L30,000. I had thought
it was dollars."
In regard to this singular and happy conclusion,
Edison makes some interesting comments as to the
attitude of the courts toward inventors, and the
difference between American and English courts. "The
men I sent over were used to establish telephone
exchanges all over the Continent, and some of them
became wealthy. It was among this crowd in London
that Bernard Shaw was employed before he became
famous. The chalk telephone was finally discarded
in favor of the Bell receiver--the latter being
more simple and cheaper. Extensive litigation with
new-comers followed. My carbon-transmitter patent
was sustained, and preserved the monopoly of the
telephone in England for many years. Bell's patent
was not sustained by the courts. Sir Richard Webster,
now Chief-Justice of England, was my counsel,
and sustained all of my patents in England for many
years. Webster has a marvellous capacity for understanding
things scientific; and his address before the
courts was lucidity itself. His brain is highly organized.
My experience with the legal fraternity is
that scientific subjects are distasteful to them, and
it is rare in this country, on account of the system of
trying patent suits, for a judge really to reach the
meat of the controversy, and inventors scarcely ever
get a decision squarely and entirely in their favor.
The fault rests, in my judgment, almost wholly with
the system under which testimony to the extent of
thousands of pages bearing on all conceivable subjects,
many of them having no possible connection
with the invention in dispute, is presented to an over-
worked judge in an hour or two of argument supported
by several hundred pages of briefs; and the
judge is supposed to extract some essence of justice
from this mass of conflicting, blind, and misleading
statements. It is a human impossibility, no matter
how able and fair-minded the judge may be. In
England the case is different. There the judges are
face to face with the experts and other witnesses.
They get the testimony first-hand and only so much as
they need, and there are no long-winded briefs and
arguments, and the case is decided then and there,
a few months perhaps after suit is brought, instead of
many years afterward, as in this country. And in
England, when a case is once finally decided it is
settled for the whole country, while here it is not so.
Here a patent having once been sustained, say, in
Boston, may have to be litigated all over again in
New York, and again in Philadelphia, and so on for
all the Federal circuits. Furthermore, it seems to
me that scientific disputes should be decided by some
court containing at least one or two scientific men--
men capable of comprehending the significance of
an invention and the difficulties of its accomplishment
--if justice is ever to be given to an inventor.
And I think, also, that this court should have the
power to summon before it and examine any recognized
expert in the special art, who might be able to
testify to FACTS for or against the patent, instead of
trying to gather the truth from the tedious essays
of hired experts, whose depositions are really nothing
but sworn arguments. The real gist of patent suits
is generally very simple, and I have no doubt that
any judge of fair intelligence, assisted by one or more
scientific advisers, could in a couple of days at the
most examine all the necessary witnesses; hear all
the necessary arguments, and actually decide an ordinary
patent suit in a way that would more nearly
be just, than can now be done at an expenditure of
a hundred times as much money and months and
years of preparation. And I have no doubt that
the time taken by the court would be enormously
less, because if a judge attempts to read the bulky
records and briefs, that work alone would require
several days.
"Acting as judges, inventors would not be very apt
to correctly decide a complicated law point; and on
the other hand, it is hard to see how a lawyer can
decide a complicated scientific point rightly. Some
inventors complain of our Patent Office, but my own
experience with the Patent Office is that the examiners
are fair-minded and intelligent, and when they
refuse a patent they are generally right; but I think
the whole trouble lies with the system in vogue in the
Federal courts for trying patent suits, and in the fact,
which cannot be disputed, that the Federal judges,
with but few exceptions, do not comprehend complicated
scientific questions. To secure uniformity
in the several Federal circuits and correct errors, it
has been proposed to establish a central court of
patent appeals in Washington. This I believe in;
but this court should also contain at least two scientific
men, who would not be blind to the sophistry of
paid experts.[7] Men whose inventions would have
created wealth of millions have been ruined and
prevented from making any money whereby they could
continue their careers as creators of wealth for the
general good, just because the experts befuddled the
judge by their misleading statements."
[7] As an illustration of the perplexing nature of expert evidence in
patent cases, the reader will probably be interested in perusing
the following extracts from the opinion of Judge Dayton, in the
suit of Bryce Bros. Co. vs. Seneca Glass Co., tried in the United
States Circuit Court, Northern District of West Virginia, reported
in The Federal Reporter, 140, page 161:
"On this subject of the validity of this patent, a vast amount
of conflicting, technical, perplexing, and almost hypercritical
discussion and opinion has been indulged, both in the testimony and
in the able and exhaustive arguments and briefs of counsel.
Expert Osborn for defendant, after setting forth minutely his
superior qualifications mechanical education, and great experience,
takes up in detail the patent claims, and shows to his own
entire satisfaction that none of them are new; that all of them
have been applied, under one form or another, in some twenty-
two previous patents, and in two other machines, not patented,
to-wit, the Central Glass and Kuny Kahbel ones; that the whole
machine is only `an aggregation of well-known mechanical elements
that any skilled designer would bring to his use in the
construction of such a machine.' This certainly, under ordinary
conditions, would settle the matter beyond peradventure; for
this witness is a very wise and learned man in these things, and
very positive. But expert Clarke appears for the plaintiff, and
after setting forth just as minutely his superior qualifications,
mechanical education, and great experience, which appear fully
equal in all respects to those of expert Osborn, proceeds to take
up in detail the patent claims, and shows to his entire satisfaction
that all, with possibly one exception, are new, show inventive
genius, and distinct advances upon the prior art. In the most
lucid, and even fascinating, way he discusses all the parts of this
machine, compares it with the others, draws distinctions, points
out the merits of the one in controversy and the defects of all
the others, considers the twenty-odd patents referred to by
Osborn, and in the politest, but neatest, manner imaginable shows
that expert Osborn did not know what he was talking about, and
sums the whole matter up by declaring this `invention of Mr.
Schrader's, as embodied in the patent in suit, a radical and wide
departure, from the Kahbel machine' (admitted on all sides to be
nearest prior approach to it), `a distinct and important advance
in the art of engraving glassware, and generally a machine for
this purpose which has involved the exercise of the inventive
faculty in the highest degree.'
"Thus a more radical and irreconcilable disagreement between
experts touching the same thing could hardly be found. So it is
with the testimony. If we take that for the defendant, the Central
Glass Company machine, and especially the Kuny Kahbel
machine, built and operated years before this patent issued, and
not patented, are just as good, just as effective and practical, as
this one, and capable of turning out just as perfect work and as
great a variety of it. On the other hand, if we take that produced
by the plaintiff, we are driven to the conclusion that these
prior machines, the product of the same mind, were only progressive
steps forward from utter darkness, so to speak, into full
inventive sunlight, which made clear to him the solution of the
problem in this patented machine. The shortcomings of the
earlier machines are minutely set forth, and the witnesses for the
plaintiff are clear that they are neither practical nor profitable.
"But this is not all of the trouble that confronts us in this
case. Counsel of both sides, with an indomitable courage that
must command admiration, a courage that has led them to a vast
amount of study, investigation, and thought, that in fact has
made them all experts, have dissected this record of 356 closely
printed pages, applied all mechanical principles and laws to the
facts as they see them, and, besides, have ransacked the law-
books and cited an enormous number of cases, more or less in
point, as illustration of their respective contentions. The courts
find nothing more difficult than to apply an abstract principle to
all classes of cases that may arise. The facts in each case so
frequently create an exception to the general rule that such rule
must be honored rather in its breach than in its observance.
Therefore, after a careful examination of these cases, it is no
criticism of the courts to say that both sides have found abundant
and about an equal amount of authority to sustain their
respective contentions, and, as a result, counsel have submitted,
in briefs, a sum total of 225 closely printed pages, in which they
have clearly, yet, almost to a mathematical certainty, demonstrated
on the one side that this Schrader machine is new and
patentable, and on the other that it is old and not so. Under
these circumstances, it would be unnecessary labor and a fruitless
task for me to enter into any further technical discussion of the
mechanical problems involved, for the purpose of seeking to convince
either side of its error. In cases of such perplexity as this
generally some incidents appear that speak more unerringly than
do the tongues of the witnesses, and to some of these I purpose
to now refer."
Mr. Bernard Shaw, the distinguished English author,
has given a most vivid and amusing picture of this
introduction of Edison's telephone into England, describing
the apparatus as "a much too ingenious invention,
being nothing less than a telephone of such
stentorian efficiency that it bellowed your most private
communications all over the house, instead of
whispering them with some sort of discretion." Shaw,
as a young man, was employed by the Edison Telephone
Company, and was very much alive to his
surroundings, often assisting in public demonstra-
tions of the apparatus "in a manner which I am
persuaded laid the foundation of Mr. Edison's
reputation." The sketch of the men sent over from
America is graphic: "Whilst the Edison Telephone
Company lasted it crowded the basement of a high
pile of offices in Queen Victoria Street with American
artificers. These deluded and romantic men gave
me a glimpse of the skilled proletariat of the United
States. They sang obsolete sentimental songs with
genuine emotion; and their language was frightful
even to an Irishman. They worked with a ferocious
energy which was out of all proportion to the actual
result achieved. Indomitably resolved to assert their
republican manhood by taking no orders from a tall-
hatted Englishman whose stiff politeness covered
his conviction that they were relatively to himself
inferior and common persons, they insisted on being
slave-driven with genuine American oaths by a
genuine free and equal American foreman. They
utterly despised the artfully slow British workman,
who did as little for his wages as he possibly could;
never hurried himself; and had a deep reverence for
one whose pocket could be tapped by respectful
behavior. Need I add that they were contemptuously
wondered at by this same British workman as
a parcel of outlandish adult boys who sweated themselves
for their employer's benefit instead of looking
after their own interest? They adored Mr. Edison as
the greatest man of all time in every possible department
of science, art, and philosophy, and execrated
Mr. Graham Bell, the inventor of the rival telephone,
as his Satanic adversary; but each of them had (or
intended to have) on the brink of completion an improvement
on the telephone, usually a new transmitter.
They were free-souled creatures, excellent
company, sensitive, cheerful, and profane; liars,
braggarts, and hustlers, with an air of making slow
old England hum, which never left them even when,
as often happened, they were wrestling with difficulties
of their own making, or struggling in no-
thoroughfares, from which they had to be retrieved
like stray sheep by Englishmen without imagination
enough to go wrong."
Mr. Samuel Insull, who afterward became private
secretary to Mr. Edison, and a leader in the development
of American electrical manufacturing and the
central-station art, was also in close touch with the
London situation thus depicted, being at the time
private secretary to Colonel Gouraud, and acting for
the first half hour as the amateur telephone operator
in the first experimental exchange erected in Europe.
He took notes of an early meeting where the affairs of
the company were discussed by leading men like Sir
John Lubbock (Lord Avebury) and the Right Hon.
E. P. Bouverie (then a cabinet minister), none of
whom could see in the telephone much more than an
auxiliary for getting out promptly in the next morning's
papers the midnight debates in Parliament. "I
remember another incident," says Mr. Insull. "It
was at some celebration of one of the Royal Societies
at the Burlington House, Piccadilly. We had a telephone
line running across the roofs to the basement
of the building. I think it was to Tyndall's laboratory
in Burlington Street. As the ladies and gentle-
men came through, they naturally wanted to look
at the great curiosity, the loud-speaking telephone: in
fact, any telephone was a curiosity then. Mr. and
Mrs. Gladstone came through. I was handling the
telephone at the Burlington House end. Mrs. Gladstone
asked the man over the telephone whether he
knew if a man or woman was speaking; and the
reply came in quite loud tones that it was a
man!"
With Mr. E. H. Johnson, who represented Edison,
there went to England for the furtherance of this
telephone enterprise, Mr. Charles Edison, a nephew of
the inventor. He died in Paris, October, 1879, not
twenty years of age. Stimulated by the example of
his uncle, this brilliant youth had already made a
mark for himself as a student and inventor, and when
only eighteen he secured in open competition the contract
to install a complete fire-alarm telegraph system
for Port Huron. A few months later he was eagerly
welcomed by his uncle at Menlo Park, and after working
on the telephone was sent to London to aid in its
introduction. There he made the acquaintance of
Professor Tyndall, exhibited the telephone to the
late King of England; and also won the friendship
of the late King of the Belgians, with whom he took
up the project of establishing telephonic communication
between Belgium and England. At the time
of his premature death he was engaged in installing
the Edison quadruplex between Brussels and Paris,
being one of the very few persons then in Europe
familiar with the working of that invention.
Meantime, the telephonic art in America was
undergoing very rapid development. In March,
1878, addressing "the capitalists of the Electric
Telephone Company" on the future of his invention,
Bell outlined with prophetic foresight and remarkable
clearness the coming of the modern telephone
exchange. Comparing with gas and water distribution,
he said: "In a similar manner, it is conceivable
that cables of telephone wires could be laid underground
or suspended overhead communicating by
branch wires with private dwellings, country houses,
shops, manufactories, etc., uniting them through the
main cable with a central office, where the wire could
be connected as desired, establishing direct
communication between any two places in the city....
Not only so, but I believe, in the future, wires will
unite the head offices of telephone companies in different
cities; and a man in one part of the country
may communicate by word of mouth with another
in a distant place."
All of which has come to pass. Professor Bell also
suggested how this could be done by "the employ of
a man in each central office for the purpose of connecting
the wires as directed." He also indicated the
two methods of telephonic tariff--a fixed rental and
a toll; and mentioned the practice, now in use on
long-distance lines, of a time charge. As a matter
of fact, this "centralizing" was attempted in May,
1877, in Boston, with the circuits of the Holmes
burglar-alarm system, four banking-houses being thus
interconnected; while in January of 1878 the Bell
telephone central-office system at New Haven, Connecticut,
was opened for business, "the first fully
equipped commercial telephone exchange ever established
for public or general service."
All through this formative period Bell had adhered
to and introduced the magneto form of telephone,
now used only as a receiver, and very poorly adapted
for the vital function of a speech-transmitter. From
August, 1877, the Western Union Telegraph Company
worked along the other line, and in 1878,
with its allied Gold & Stock Telegraph Company, it
brought into existence the American Speaking Telephone
Company to introduce the Edison apparatus,
and to create telephone exchanges all over the country.
In this warfare, the possession of a good battery
transmitter counted very heavily in favor of the
Western Union, for upon that the real expansion of
the whole industry depended; but in a few months
the Bell system had its battery transmitter, too,
tending to equalize matters. Late in the same year
patent litigation was begun which brought out clearly
the merits of Bell, through his patent, as the original
and first inventor of the electric speaking telephone;
and the Western Union Telegraph Company made
terms with its rival. A famous contract bearing
date of November 10, 1879, showed that under the
Edison and other controlling patents the Western
Union Company had already set going some eighty-
five exchanges, and was making large quantities of
telephonic apparatus. In return for its voluntary
retirement from the telephonic field, the Western
Union Telegraph Company, under this contract, received
a royalty of 20 per cent. of all the telephone
earnings of the Bell system while the Bell patents
ran; and thus came to enjoy an annual income of
several hundred thousand dollars for some years, based
chiefly on its modest investment in Edison's work.
It was also paid several thousand dollars in cash for
the Edison, Phelps, Gray, and other apparatus on
hand. It secured further 40 per cent. of the stock
of the local telephone systems of New York and
Chicago; and last, but by no means least, it exacted
from the Bell interests an agreement to stay out of
the telegraph field.
By March, 1881, there were in the United States
only nine cities of more than ten thousand inhabitants,
and only one of more than fifteen thousand,
without a telephone exchange. The industry thrived
under competition, and the absence of it now had a
decided effect in checking growth; for when the
Bell patent expired in 1893, the total of telephone sets
in operation in the United States was only 291,253.
To quote from an official Bell statement:
"The brief but vigorous Western Union competition
was a kind of blessing in disguise. The very fact that
two distinct interests were actively engaged in the work
of organizing and establishing competing telephone
exchanges all over the country, greatly facilitated the
spread of the idea and the growth of the business, and
familiarized the people with the use of the telephone as a
business agency; while the keenness of the competition,
extending to the agents and employees of both companies,
brought about a swift but quite unforeseen and unlooked-
for expansion in the individual exchanges of the larger
cities, and a corresponding advance in their importance,
value, and usefulness."
The truth of this was immediately shown in 1894,
after the Bell patents had expired, by the tremendous
outburst of new competitive activity, in "independent"
country systems and toll lines through
sparsely settled districts--work for which the Edison
apparatus and methods were peculiarly adapted, yet
against which the influence of the Edison patent
was invoked. The data secured by the United States
Census Office in 1902 showed that the whole industry
had made gigantic leaps in eight years, and had
2,371,044 telephone stations in service, of which
1,053,866 were wholly or nominally independent of
the Bell. By 1907 an even more notable increase
was shown, and the Census figures for that year
included no fewer than 6,118,578 stations, of which
1,986,575 were "independent." These six million
instruments every single set employing the principle
of the carbon transmitter--were grouped into 15,527
public exchanges, in the very manner predicted by
Bell thirty years before, and they gave service in the
shape of over eleven billions of talks. The outstanding
capitalized value of the plant was $814,616,004,
the income for the year was nearly $185,000,000, and
the people employed were 140,000. If Edison had
done nothing else, his share in the creation of such
an industry would have entitled him to a high place
among inventors.
This chapter is of necessity brief in its reference to
many extremely interesting points and details; and
to some readers it may seem incomplete in its references
to the work of other men than Edison, whose
influence on telephony as an art has also been con-
siderable. In reply to this pertinent criticism, it
may be pointed out that this is a life of Edison, and
not of any one else; and that even the discussion of
his achievements alone in these various fields
requires more space than the authors have at their
disposal. The attempt has been made, however, to
indicate the course of events and deal fairly with the
facts. The controversy that once waged with great
excitement over the invention of the microphone,
but has long since died away, is suggestive of the
difficulties involved in trying to do justice to everybody.
A standard history describes the microphone
thus:
"A form of apparatus produced during the early days
of the telephone by Professor Hughes, of England, for
the purpose of rendering faint, indistinct sounds distinctly
audible, depended for its operation on the changes that
result in the resistance of loose contacts. This apparatus
was called the microphone, and was in reality but one of
the many forms that it is possible to give to the telephone
transmitter. For example, the Edison granular transmitter
was a variety of microphone, as was also Edison's
transmitter, in which the solid button of carbon was employed.
Indeed, even the platinum point, which in the
early form of the Reis transmitter pressed against the
platinum contact cemented to the centre of the diaphragm,
was a microphone."
At a time when most people were amazed at the idea
of hearing, with the aid of a "microphone," a fly walk
at a distance of many miles, the priority of invention
of such a device was hotly disputed. Yet without
desiring to take anything from the credit of the
brilliant American, Hughes, whose telegraphic apparatus
is still in use all over Europe, it may be
pointed out that this passage gives Edison the attribution
of at least two original forms of which those
suggested by Hughes were mere variations and modifications.
With regard to this matter, Mr. Edison
himself remarks: "After I sent one of my men over
to London especially, to show Preece the carbon
transmitter, and where Hughes first saw it, and
heard it--then within a month he came out with the
microphone, without any acknowledgment whatever.
Published dates will show that Hughes came along
after me."
There have been other ways also in which Edison
has utilized the peculiar property that carbon possesses
of altering its resistance to the passage of current,
according to the pressure to which it is subjected,
whether at the surface, or through closer union
of the mass. A loose road with a few inches of dust
or pebbles on it offers appreciable resistance to the
wheels of vehicles travelling over it; but if the surface
is kept hard and smooth the effect is quite different.
In the same way carbon, whether solid or
in the shape of finely divided powder, offers a high
resistance to the passage of electricity; but if the
carbon is squeezed together the conditions change,
with less resistance to electricity in the circuit.
For his quadruplex system, Mr. Edison utilized this
fact in the construction of a rheostat or resistance
box. It consists of a series of silk disks saturated
with a sizing of plumbago and well dried. The disks
are compressed by means of an adjustable screw; and
in this manner the resistance of a circuit can be varied
over a wide range.
In like manner Edison developed a "pressure" or
carbon relay, adapted to the transference of signals
of variable strength from one circuit to another. An
ordinary relay consists of an electromagnet inserted
in the main line for telegraphing, which brings a local
battery and sounder circuit into play, reproducing
in the local circuit the signals sent over the main line.
The relay is adjusted to the weaker currents likely to
be received, but the signals reproduced on the sounder
by the agency of the relay are, of course, all of equal
strength, as they depend upon the local battery,
which has only this steady work to perform. In
cases where it is desirable to reproduce the signals in
the local circuit with the same variations in strength
as they are received by the relay, the Edison carbon
pressure relay does the work. The poles of the
electromagnet in the local circuit are hollowed out
and filled up with carbon disks or powdered plumbago.
The armature and the carbon-tipped poles of
the electromagnet form part of the local circuit; and
if the relay is actuated by a weak current the armature
will be attracted but feebly. The carbon being only
slightly compressed will offer considerable resistance
to the flow of current from the local battery, and
therefore the signal on the local sounder will be weak.
If, on the contrary, the incoming current on the main
line be strong, the armature will be strongly attracted,
the carbon will be sharply compressed, the resistance
in the local circuit will be proportionately lowered,
and the signal heard on the local sounder will be a
loud one. Thus it will be seen, by another clever
juggle with the willing agent, carbon, for which he
has found so many duties, Edison is able to transfer
or transmit exactly, to the local circuit, the main-line
current in all its minutest variations.
In his researches to determine the nature of the
motograph phenomena, and to open up other sources
of electrical current generation, Edison has worked
out a very ingenious and somewhat perplexing piece
of apparatus known as the "chalk battery." It consists
of a series of chalk cylinders mounted on a shaft
revolved by hand. Resting against each of these
cylinders is a palladium-faced spring, and similar
springs make contact with the shaft between each
cylinder. By connecting all these springs in circuit
with a galvanometer and revolving the shaft rapidly,
a notable deflection is obtained of the galvanometer
needle, indicating the production of electrical energy.
The reason for this does not appear to have been
determined.
Last but not least, in this beautiful and ingenious
series, comes the "tasimeter," an instrument of most
delicate sensibility in the presence of heat. The
name is derived from the Greek, the use of the apparatus
being primarily to measure extremely minute
differences of pressure. A strip of hard rubber with
pointed ends rests perpendicularly on a platinum
plate, beneath which is a carbon button, under which
again lies another platinum plate. The two plates
and the carbon button form part of an electric circuit
containing a battery and a galvanometer. The
hard-rubber strip is exceedingly sensitive to heat.
The slightest degree of heat imparted to it causes it
to expand invisibly, thus increasing the pressure contact
on the carbon button and producing a variation
in the resistance of the circuit, registered immediately
by the little swinging needle of the galvanometer.
The instrument is so sensitive that with a delicate
galvanometer it will show the impingement of the
heat from a person's hand thirty feet away. The
suggestion to employ such an apparatus in astronomical
observations occurs at once, and it may be
noted that in one instance the heat of rays of light
from the remote star Arcturus gave results.
CHAPTER X
THE PHONOGRAPH
AT the opening of the Electrical Show in New
York City in October, 1908, to celebrate the
jubilee of the Atlantic Cable and the first quarter
century of lighting with the Edison service on
Manhattan Island, the exercises were all conducted by
means of the Edison phonograph. This included the
dedicatory speech of Governor Hughes, of New York;
the modest remarks of Mr. Edison, as president; the
congratulations of the presidents of several national
electric bodies, and a number of vocal and instrumental
selections of operatic nature. All this was
heard clearly by a very large audience, and was
repeated on other evenings. The same speeches were
used again phonographically at the Electrical Show
in Chicago in 1909--and now the records are
preserved for reproduction a hundred or a thousand
years hence. This tour de force, never attempted
before, was merely an exemplification of the value of
the phonograph not only in establishing at first hand
the facts of history, but in preserving the human
voice. What would we not give to listen to the very
accents and tones of the Sermon on the Mount, the
orations of Demosthenes, the first Pitt's appeal for
American liberty, the Farewell of Washington, or the
Address at Gettysburg? Until Edison made his wonderful
invention in 1877, the human race was entirely
without means for preserving or passing on to posterity
its own linguistic utterances or any other vocal
sound. We have some idea how the ancients looked
and felt and wrote; the abundant evidence takes us
back to the cave-dwellers. But all the old languages
are dead, and the literary form is their embalmment.
We do not even know definitely how Shakespeare's
and Goldsmith's plays were pronounced on the stage
in the theatres of the time; while it is only a guess
that perhaps Chaucer would sound much more modern
than he scans.
The analysis of sound, which owes so much to
Helmholtz, was one step toward recording; and the
various means of illustrating the phenomena of sound
to the eye and ear, prior to the phonograph, were all
ingenious. One can watch the dancing little flames
of Koenig, and see a voice expressed in tongues of
fire; but the record can only be photographic. In
like manner, the simple phonautograph of Leon Scott,
invented about 1858, records on a revolving cylinder
of blackened paper the sound vibrations transmitted
through a membrane to which a tiny stylus is attached;
so that a human mouth uses a pen and inscribes
its sign vocal. Yet after all we are just as
far away as ever from enabling the young actors at
Harvard to give Aristophanes with all the true, subtle
intonation and inflection of the Athens of 400 B.C.
The instrument is dumb. Ingenuity has been shown
also in the invention of "talking-machines," like
Faber's, based on the reed organ pipe. These autom-
ata can be made by dexterous manipulation to jabber
a little, like a doll with its monotonous "ma-ma," or
a cuckoo clock; but they lack even the sterile utility
of the imitative art of ventriloquism. The real great
invention lies in creating devices that shall be able
to evoke from tinfoil, wax, or composition at any
time to-day or in the future the sound that once was
as evanescent as the vibrations it made on the air.
Contrary to the general notion, very few of the
great modern inventions have been the result of a
sudden inspiration by which, Minerva-like, they have
sprung full-fledged from their creators' brain; but,
on the contrary, they have been evolved by slow and
gradual steps, so that frequently the final advance
has been often almost imperceptible. The Edison
phonograph is an important exception to the general
rule; not, of course, the phonograph of the present
day with all of its mechanical perfection, but as an
instrument capable of recording and reproducing
sound. Its invention has been frequently attributed
to the discovery that a point attached to a telephone
diaphragm would, under the effect of sound-waves,
vibrate with sufficient force to prick the finger. The
story, though interesting, is not founded on fact;
but, if true, it is difficult to see how the discovery in
question could have contributed materially to the
ultimate accomplishment. To a man of Edison's perception
it is absurd to suppose that the effect of the
so-called discovery would not have been made as a
matter of deduction long before the physical sensation
was experienced. As a matter of fact, the invention
of the phonograph was the result of pure reason.
Some time prior to 1877, Edison had been experimenting
on an automatic telegraph in which the
letters were formed by embossing strips of paper
with the proper arrangement of dots and dashes.
By drawing this strip beneath a contact lever, the
latter was actuated so as to control the circuits and
send the desired signals over the line. It was observed
that when the strip was moved very rapidly
the vibration of the lever resulted in the production
of an audible note. With these facts before him,
Edison reasoned that if the paper strip could be imprinted
with elevations and depressions representative
of sound-waves, they might be caused to actuate a
diaphragm so as to reproduce the corresponding
sounds. The next step in the line of development
was to form the necessary undulations on the strip,
and it was then reasoned that original sounds themselves
might be utilized to form a graphic record by
actuating a diaphragm and causing a cutting or indenting
point carried thereby to vibrate in contact
with a moving surface, so as to cut or indent the
record therein. Strange as it may seem, therefore,
and contrary to the general belief, the phonograph
was developed backward, the production of the sounds
being of prior development to the idea of actually
recording them.
Mr. Edison's own account of the invention of the
phonograph is intensely interesting. "I was
experimenting," he says, "on an automatic method of
recording telegraph messages on a disk of paper laid
on a revolving platen, exactly the same as the disk
talking-machine of to-day. The platen had a spiral
groove on its surface, like the disk. Over this was
placed a circular disk of paper; an electromagnet
with the embossing point connected to an arm
travelled over the disk; and any signals given
through the magnets were embossed on the disk of
paper. If this disk was removed from the machine
and put on a similar machine provided with a contact
point, the embossed record would cause the
signals to be repeated into another wire. The ordinary
speed of telegraphic signals is thirty-five to
forty words a minute; but with this machine several
hundred words were possible.
"From my experiments on the telephone I knew
of the power of a diaphragm to take up sound vibrations,
as I had made a little toy which, when you
recited loudly in the funnel, would work a pawl connected
to the diaphragm; and this engaging a ratchet-
wheel served to give continuous rotation to a pulley.
This pulley was connected by a cord to a little paper
toy representing a man sawing wood. Hence, if one
shouted: `Mary had a little lamb,' etc., the paper
man would start sawing wood. I reached the conclusion
that if I could record the movements of the
diaphragm properly, I could cause such record to
reproduce the original movements imparted to the
diaphragm by the voice, and thus succeed in recording
and reproducing the human voice.
"Instead of using a disk I designed a little machine
using a cylinder provided with grooves around the
surface. Over this was to be placed tinfoil, which
easily received and recorded the movements of the
diaphragm. A sketch was made, and the piece-work
price, $18, was marked on the sketch. I was in the
habit of marking the price I would pay on each
sketch. If the workman lost, I would pay his regular
wages; if he made more than the wages, he kept it.
The workman who got the sketch was John Kruesi.
I didn't have much faith that it would work, expecting
that I might possibly hear a word or so that
would give hope of a future for the idea. Kruesi,
when he had nearly finished it, asked what it was for.
I told him I was going to record talking, and then
have the machine talk back. He thought it absurd.
However, it was finished, the foil was put on; I then
shouted `Mary had a little lamb,' etc. I adjusted the
reproducer, and the machine reproduced it perfectly.
I was never so taken aback in my life. Everybody
was astonished. I was always afraid of things that
worked the first time. Long experience proved that
there were great drawbacks found generally before
they could be got commercial; but here was something
there was no doubt of."
No wonder that honest John Kruesi, as he stood
and listened to the marvellous performance of the
simple little machine he had himself just finished,
ejaculated in an awe-stricken tone: "Mein Gott im
Himmel!" And yet he had already seen Edison do
a few clever things. No wonder they sat up all night
fixing and adjusting it so as to get better and better
results--reciting and singing, trying each other's
voices, and then listening with involuntary awe as
the words came back again and again, just as long
as they were willing to revolve the little cylinder
with its dotted spiral indentations in the tinfoil under
the vibrating stylus of the reproducing diaphragm.
It took a little time to acquire the knack of turning
the crank steadily while leaning over the recorder to
talk into the machine; and there was some deftness
required also in fastening down the tinfoil on the
cylinder where it was held by a pin running in a
longitudinal slot. Paraffined paper appears also to
have been experimented with as an impressible
material. It is said that Carman, the foreman of the
machine shop, had gone the length of wagering Edison
a box of cigars that the device would not work. All
the world knows that he lost.
The original Edison phonograph thus built by
Kruesi is preserved in the South Kensington Museum,
London. That repository can certainly have no
greater treasure of its kind. But as to its immediate
use, the inventor says: "That morning I took it over
to New York and walked into the office of the Scientific
American, went up to Mr. Beach's desk, and said I
had something to show him. He asked what it was.
I told him I had a machine that would record and
reproduce the human voice. I opened the package,
set up the machine and recited, `Mary had a little
lamb,' etc. Then I reproduced it so that it could
be heard all over the room. They kept me at it until
the crowd got so great Mr. Beach was afraid the
floor would collapse; and we were compelled to stop.
The papers next morning contained columns. None
of the writers seemed to understand how it was done.
I tried to explain, it was so very simple, but the results
were so surprising they made up their minds probably
that they never would understand it--and they didn't.
"I started immediately making several larger and
better machines, which I exhibited at Menlo Park to
crowds. The Pennsylvania Railroad ran special
trains. Washington people telegraphed me to come
on. I took a phonograph to Washington and exhibited
it in the room of James G. Blaine's niece
(Gail Hamilton); and members of Congress and
notable people of that city came all day long until
late in the evening. I made one break. I recited
`Mary,' etc., and another ditty:
`There was a little girl, who had a little curl
Right in the middle of her forehead;
And when she was good she was very, very good,
But when she was bad she was horrid.'
It will be remembered that Senator Roscoe Conkling,
then very prominent, had a curl of hair on his forehead;
and all the caricaturists developed it abnormally.
He was very sensitive about the subject.
When he came in he was introduced; but being rather
deaf, I didn't catch his name, but sat down and
started the curl ditty. Everybody tittered, and I
was told that Mr. Conkling was displeased. About
11 o'clock at night word was received from President
Hayes that he would be very much pleased if I would
come up to the White House. I was taken there,
and found Mr. Hayes and several others waiting.
Among them I remember Carl Schurz, who was playing
the piano when I entered the room. The exhibition
continued till about 12.30 A.M., when Mrs. Hayes
and several other ladies, who had been induced to
get up and dress, appeared. I left at 3.30 A,M,
"For a long time some people thought there was
trickery. One morning at Menlo Park a gentleman
came to the laboratory and asked to see the phonograph.
It was Bishop Vincent, who helped Lewis
Miller found the Chautauqua I exhibited it, and
then he asked if he could speak a few words. I put
on a fresh foil and told him to go ahead. He
commenced to recite Biblical names with immense
rapidity. On reproducing it he said: `I am satisfied,
now. There isn't a man in the United States who
could recite those names with the same rapidity.' "
The phonograph was now fairly launched as a
world sensation, and a reference to the newspapers
of 1878 will show the extent to which it and Edison
were themes of universal discussion. Some of the
press notices of the period were most amazing--and
amusing. As though the real achievements of
this young man, barely thirty, were not tangible
and solid enough to justify admiration of his genius,
the "yellow journalists" of the period began busily
to create an "Edison myth," with gross absurdities of
assertion and attribution from which the modest
subject of it all has not yet ceased to suffer with
unthinking people. A brilliantly vicious example of
this method of treatment is to be found in the Paris
Figaro of that year, which under the appropriate
title of "This Astounding Eddison" lay bare before
the French public the most startling revelations as
to the inventor's life and character. "It should be
understood," said this journal, "that Mr. Eddison
does not belong to himself. He is the property of
the telegraph company which lodges him in New
York at a superb hotel; keeps him on a luxurious
footing, and pays him a formidable salary so as to
be the one to know of and profit by his discoveries.
The company has, in the dwelling of Eddison,
men in its employ who do not quit him for a
moment, at the table, on the street, in the laboratory.
So that this wretched man, watched more
closely than ever was any malefactor, cannot even
give a moment's thought to his own private affairs
without one of his guards asking him what he is
thinking about." This foolish "blague" was accompanied
by a description of Edison's new "aerophone,"
a steam machine which carried the voice a distance
of one and a half miles. "You speak to a jet of
vapor. A friend previously advised can answer you
by the same method." Nor were American journals
backward in this wild exaggeration.
The furor had its effect in stimulating a desire
everywhere on the part of everybody to see and hear
the phonograph. A small commercial organization
was formed to build and exploit the apparatus, and
the shops at Menlo Park laboratory were assisted by
the little Bergmann shop in New York. Offices were
taken for the new enterprise at 203 Broadway, where
the Mail and Express building now stands, and
where, in a general way, under the auspices of a
talented dwarf, C. A. Cheever, the embryonic phonograph
and the crude telephone shared rooms and expenses.
Gardiner G. Hubbard, father-in-law of Alex.
Graham Bell, was one of the stockholders in the
Phonograph Company, which paid Edison $10,000
cash and a 20 per cent. royalty. This curious part-
nership was maintained for some time, even when
the Bell Telephone offices were removed to Reade
Street, New York, whither the phonograph went also;
and was perhaps explained by the fact that just then
the ability of the phonograph as a money-maker
was much more easily demonstrated than was that
of the telephone, still in its short range magneto
stage and awaiting development with the aid of the
carbon transmitter.
The earning capacity of the phonograph then, as
largely now, lay in its exhibition qualities. The
royalties from Boston, ever intellectually awake and
ready for something new, ran as high as $1800 a
week. In New York there was a ceaseless demand
for it, and with the aid of Hilbourne L. Roosevelt, a
famous organ builder, and uncle of ex-President
Roosevelt, concerts were given at which the phonograph
was "featured." To manage this novel show
business the services of James Redpath were called
into requisition with great success. Redpath, famous
as a friend and biographer of John Brown, as a
Civil War correspondent, and as founder of the
celebrated Redpath Lyceum Bureau in Boston, divided
the country into territories, each section being leased
for exhibition purposes on a basis of a percentage of
the "gate money." To 203 Broadway from all over
the Union flocked a swarm of showmen, cranks, and
particularly of old operators, who, the seedier they
were in appearance, the more insistent they were that
"Tom" should give them, for the sake of "Auld lang
syne," this chance to make a fortune for him and for
themselves. At the top of the building was a floor
on which these novices were graduated in the use and
care of the machine, and then, with an equipment of
tinfoil and other supplies, they were sent out on the
road. It was a diverting experience while it lasted.
The excitement over the phonograph was maintained
for many months, until a large proportion of the
inhabitants of the country had seen it; and then the
show receipts declined and dwindled away. Many of
the old operators, taken on out of good-nature, were
poor exhibitors and worse accountants, and at last
they and the machines with which they had been
intrusted faded from sight. But in the mean time
Edison had learned many lessons as to this practical
side of development that were not forgotten when
the renascence of the phonograph began a few years
later, leading up to the present enormous and steady
demand for both machines and records.
It deserves to be pointed out that the phonograph
has changed little in the intervening years from the
first crude instruments of 1877-78. It has simply
been refined and made more perfect in a mechanical
sense. Edison was immensely impressed with its
possibilities, and greatly inclined to work upon it,
but the coming of the electric light compelled him to
throw all his energies for a time into the vast new
field awaiting conquest. The original phonograph,
as briefly noted above, was rotated by hand, and the
cylinder was fed slowly longitudinally by means of
a nut engaging a screw thread on the cylinder shaft.
Wrapped around the cylinder was a sheet of tinfoil,
with which engaged a small chisel-like recording
needle, connected adhesively with the centre of an
iron diaphragm. Obviously, as the cylinder was
turned, the needle followed a spiral path whose pitch
depended upon that of the feed screw. Along this
path a thread was cut in the cylinder so as to permit
the needle to indent the foil readily as the diaphragm
vibrated. By rotating the cylinder and by causing
the diaphragm to vibrate under the effect of vocal
or musical sounds, the needle-like point would form
a series of indentations in the foil corresponding to
and characteristic of the sound-waves. By now
engaging the point with the beginning of the grooved
record so formed, and by again rotating the cylinder,
the undulations of the record would cause the needle
and its attached diaphragm to vibrate so as to effect
the reproduction. Such an apparatus was necessarily
undeveloped, and was interesting only from a scientific
point of view. It had many mechanical defects
which prevented its use as a practical apparatus.
Since the cylinder was rotated by hand, the speed
at which the record was formed would vary
considerably, even with the same manipulator, so that
it would have been impossible to record and reproduce
music satisfactorily; in doing which exact uniformity
of speed is essential. The formation of the
record in tinfoil was also objectionable from a practical
standpoint, since such a record was faint and
would be substantially obliterated after two or three
reproductions. Furthermore, the foil could not be
easily removed from and replaced upon the instrument,
and consequently the reproduction had to follow
the recording immediately, and the successive
tinfoils were thrown away. The instrument was also
heavy and bulky. Notwithstanding these objections
the original phonograph created, as already remarked,
an enormous popular excitement, and the exhibitions
were considered by many sceptical persons as nothing
more than clever ventriloquism. The possibilities
of the instrument as a commercial apparatus
were recognized from the very first, and some of the
fields in which it was predicted that the phonograph
would be used are now fully occupied. Some have
not yet been realized. Writing in 1878 in the North
American-Review, Mr. Edison thus summed up his
own ideas as to the future applications of the new
invention:
"Among the many uses to which the phonograph will
be applied are the following:
1. Letter writing and all kinds of dictation without the
aid of a stenographer.
2. Phonographic books, which will speak to blind people
without effort on their part.
3. The teaching of elocution.
4. Reproduction of music.
5. The `Family Record'--a registry of sayings,
reminiscences, etc., by members of a family in their own
voices, and of the last words of dying persons.
6. Music-boxes and toys.
7. Clocks that should announce in articulate speech
the time for going home, going to meals, etc.
8. The preservation of languages by exact reproduction
of the manner of pronouncing.
9. Educational purposes; such as preserving the
explanations made by a teacher, so that the pupil can refer
to them at any moment, and spelling or other lessons
placed upon the phonograph for convenience in committing
to memory.
10. Connection with the telephone, so as to make that
instrument an auxiliary in the transmission of permanent
and invaluable records, instead of being the recipient of
momentary and fleeting communication."
Of the above fields of usefulness in which it was
expected that the phonograph might be applied, only
three have been commercially realized--namely, the
reproduction of musical, including vaudeville or talking
selections, for which purpose a very large proportion
of the phonographs now made is used; the employment
of the machine as a mechanical stenographer,
which field has been taken up actively only
within the past few years; and the utilization of the
device for the teaching of languages, for which purpose
it has been successfully employed, for example,
by the International Correspondence Schools of
Scranton, Pennsylvania, for several years. The other
uses, however, which were early predicted for the
phonograph have not as yet been worked out practically,
although the time seems not far distant when
its general utility will be widely enlarged. Both dolls
and clocks have been made, but thus far the world
has not taken them seriously.
The original phonograph, as invented by Edison,
remained in its crude and immature state for almost
ten years--still the object of philosophical interest,
and as a convenient text-book illustration of the
effect of sound vibration. It continued to be a theme
of curious interest to the imaginative, and the subject
of much fiction, while its neglected commercial
possibilities were still more or less vaguely referred to.
During this period of arrested development, Edison
was continuously working on the invention and commercial
exploitation of the incandescent lamp. In
1887 his time was comparatively free, and the phonograph
was then taken up with renewed energy, and
the effort made to overcome its mechanical defects
and to furnish a commercial instrument, so that its
early promise might be realized. The important
changes made from that time up to 1890 converted
the phonograph from a scientific toy into a successful
industrial apparatus. The idea of forming the record
on tinfoil had been early abandoned, and in its stead
was substituted a cylinder of wax-like material, in
which the record was cut by a minute chisel-like gouging
tool. Such a record or phonogram, as it was then
called, could be removed from the machine or replaced
at any time, many reproductions could be
obtained without wearing out the record, and whenever
desired the record could be shaved off by a
turning-tool so as to present a fresh surface on which
a new record could be formed, something like an
ancient palimpsest. A wax cylinder having walls
less than one-quarter of an inch in thickness could
be used for receiving a large number of records, since
the maximum depth of the record groove is hardly
ever greater than one one-thousandth of an inch.
Later on, and as the crowning achievement in the
phonograph field, from a commercial point of view,
came the duplication of records to the extent of many
thousands from a single "master." This work was
actively developed between the years 1890 and 1898,
and its difficulties may be appreciated when the
problem is stated; the copying from a single master
of many millions of excessively minute sound-waves
having a maximum width of one hundredth of an
inch, and a maximum depth of one thousandth of
an inch, or less than the thickness of a sheet of
tissue-paper. Among the interesting developments of
this process was the coating of the original or master
record with a homogeneous film of gold so thin that
three hundred thousand of these piled one on top of
the other would present a thickness of only one inch!
Another important change was in the nature of a
reversal of the original arrangement, the cylinder or
mandrel carrying the record being mounted in fixed
bearings, and the recording or reproducing device
being fed lengthwise, like the cutting-tool of a lathe,
as the blank or record was rotated. It was early
recognized that a single needle for forming the record
and the reproduction therefrom was an undesirable
arrangement, since the formation of the record required
a very sharp cutting-tool, while satisfactory
and repeated reproduction suggested the use of a
stylus which would result in the minimum wear.
After many experiments and the production of a
number of types of machines, the present recorders
and reproducers were evolved, the former consisting
of a very small cylindrical gouging tool having a diameter
of about forty thousandths of an inch, and the
latter a ball or button-shaped stylus with a diameter
of about thirty-five thousandths of an inch. By
using an incisor of this sort, the record is formed of
a series of connected gouges with rounded sides,
varying in depth and width, and with which the
reproducer automatically engages and maintains its
engagement. Another difficulty encountered in the
commercial development of the phonograph was the
adjustment of the recording stylus so as to enter the
wax-like surface to a very slight depth, and of the
reproducer so as to engage exactly the record when
formed. The earlier types of machines were provided
with separate screws for effecting these adjustments;
but considerable skill was required to
obtain good results, and great difficulty was
experienced in meeting the variations in the wax-like
cylinders, due to the warping under atmospheric
changes. Consequently, with the early types of commercial
phonographs, it was first necessary to shave
off the blank accurately before a record was formed
thereon, in order that an absolutely true surface
might be presented. To overcome these troubles,
the very ingenious suggestion was then made and
adopted, of connecting the recording and reproducing
styluses to their respective diaphragms through the
instrumentality of a compensating weight, which acted
practically as a fixed support under the very rapid
sound vibrations, but which yielded readily to distortions
or variations in the wax-like cylinders. By
reason of this improvement, it became possible to do
away with all adjustments, the mass of the compensating
weight causing the recorder to engage the
blank automatically to the required depth, and to
maintain the reproducing stylus always with the desired
pressure on the record when formed. These
automatic adjustments were maintained even though
the blank or record might be so much out of true
as an eighth of an inch, equal to more than two
hundred times the maximum depth of the record
groove.
Another improvement that followed along the lines
adopted by Edison for the commercial development
of the phonograph was making the recording and reproducing
styluses of sapphire, an extremely hard,
non-oxidizable jewel, so that those tiny instruments
would always retain their true form and effectively
resist wear. Of course, in this work many other things
were done that may still be found on the perfected
phonograph as it stands to-day, and many other suggestions
were made which were contemporaneously
adopted, but which were later abandoned. For the
curious-minded, reference is made to the records in
the Patent Office, which will show that up to 1893
Edison had obtained upward of sixty-five patents in
this art, from which his line of thought can be very
closely traced. The phonograph of to-day, except
for the perfection of its mechanical features, in its
beauty of manufacture and design, and in small details,
may be considered identical with the machine
of 1889, with the exception that with the latter the
rotation of the record cylinder was effected by an
electric motor.
Its essential use as then contemplated was as a
substitute for stenographers, and the most extravagant
fancies were indulged in as to utility in that
field. To exploit the device commercially, the patents
were sold to Philadelphia capitalists, who organized
the North American Phonograph Company, through
which leases for limited periods were granted to local
companies doing business in special territories, gen-
erally within the confines of a single State. Under
that plan, resembling the methods of 1878, the machines
and blank cylinders were manufactured by the
Edison Phonograph Works, which still retains its
factories at Orange, New Jersey. The marketing
enterprise was early doomed to failure, principally
because the instruments were not well understood,
and did not possess the necessary refinements that
would fit them for the special field in which they were
to be used. At first the instruments were leased;
but it was found that the leases were seldom renewed.
Efforts were then made to sell them, but the prices
were high--from $100 to $150. In the midst of these
difficulties, the chief promoter of the enterprise, Mr.
Lippincott, died; and it was soon found that the
roseate dreams of success entertained by the sanguine
promoters were not to be realized. The North American
Phonograph Company failed, its principal creditor
being Mr. Edison, who, having acquired the
assets of the defunct concern, organized the National
Phonograph Company, to which he turned over the
patents; and with characteristic energy he attempted
again to build up a business with which his favorite
and, to him, most interesting invention might be
successfully identified. The National Phonograph
Company from the very start determined to retire at
least temporarily from the field of stenographic use,
and to exploit the phonograph for musical purposes as
a competitor of the music-box. Hence it was necessary
that for such work the relatively heavy and expensive
electric motor should be discarded, and a simple
spring motor constructed with a sufficiently sensitive
governor to permit accurate musical reproduction.
Such a motor was designed, and is now used on all
phonographs except on such special instruments as
may be made with electric motors, as well as on the
successful apparatus that has more recently been
designed and introduced for stenographic use. Improved
factory facilities were introduced; new tools
were made, and various types of machines were designed
so that phonographs can now be bought at
prices ranging from $10 to $200. Even with the
changes which were thus made in the two machines,
the work of developing the business was slow, as a
demand had to be created; and the early prejudice
of the public against the phonograph, due to its failure
as a stenographic apparatus, had to be overcome.
The story of the phonograph as an industrial enterprise,
from this point of departure, is itself full of
interest, but embraces so many details that it is
necessarily given in a separate later chapter. We must
return to the days of 1878, when Edison, with at
least three first-class inventions to his credit--the
quadruplex, the carbon telephone, and the phonograph
--had become a man of mark and a "world
character."
The invention of the phonograph was immediately
followed, as usual, by the appearance of several other
incidental and auxiliary devices, some patented, and
others remaining simply the application of the principles
of apparatus that had been worked out. One
of these was the telephonograph, a combination of a
telephone at a distant station with a phonograph.
The diaphragm of the phonograph mouthpiece is
actuated by an electromagnet in the same way as
that of an ordinary telephone receiver, and in this
manner a record of the message spoken from a distance
can be obtained and turned into sound at will.
Evidently such a process is reversible, and the
phonograph can send a message to the distant receiver.
This idea was brilliantly demonstrated in practice
in February, 1889, by Mr. W. J. Hammer, one of
Edison's earliest and most capable associates, who
carried on telephonographic communication between
New York and an audience in Philadelphia. The
record made in New York on the Edison phonograph
was repeated into an Edison carbon transmitter, sent
over one hundred and three miles of circuit, including
six miles of underground cable; received by an Edison
motograph; repeated by that on to a phonograph;
transferred from the phonograph to an Edison carbon
transmitter, and by that delivered to the Edison
motograph receiver in the enthusiastic lecture-hall,
where every one could hear each sound and syllable
distinctly. In real practice this spectacular playing
with sound vibrations, as if they were lacrosse balls
to toss around between the goals, could be materially
simplified.
The modern megaphone, now used universally in
making announcements to large crowds, particularly
at sporting events, is also due to this period as a
perfection by Edison of many antecedent devices going
back, perhaps, much further than the legendary
funnels through which Alexander the Great is said
to have sent commands to his outlying forces. The
improved Edison megaphone for long-distance work
comprised two horns of wood or metal about six feet
long, tapering from a diameter of two feet six inches
at the mouth to a small aperture provided with ear-
tubes. These converging horns or funnels, with a
large speaking-trumpet in between them, are mounted
on a tripod, and the megaphone is complete.
Conversation can be carried on with this megaphone
at a distance of over two miles, as with a ship or
the balloon. The modern megaphone now employs
the receiver form thus introduced as its very effective
transmitter, with which the old-fashioned speaking-
trumpet cannot possibly compete; and the word
"megaphone" is universally applied to the single,
side-flaring horn.
A further step in this line brought Edison to the
"aerophone," around which the Figaro weaved its
fanciful description. In the construction of the aerophone
the same kind of tympanum is used as in the
phonograph, but the imitation of the human voice,
or the transmission of sound, is effected by the quick
opening and closing of valves placed within a steam-
whistle or an organ-pipe. The vibrations of the
diaphragm communicated to the valves cause them
to operate in synchronism, so that the vibrations are
thrown upon the escaping air or steam; and the result
is an instrument with a capacity of magnifying
the sounds two hundred times, and of hurling them
to great distances intelligibly, like a huge fog-siren,
but with immense clearness and penetration. All
this study of sound transmission over long distances
without wires led up to the consideration and inven-
tion of pioneer apparatus for wireless telegraphy--
but that also is another chapter.
Yet one more ingenious device of this period must
be noted--Edison's vocal engine, the patent application
for which was executed in August, 1878, the
patent being granted the following December. Reference
to this by Edison himself has already been
quoted. The "voice-engine," or "phonomotor," converts
the vibrations of the voice or of music, acting
on the diaphragm, into motion which is utilized to
drive some secondary appliance, whether as a toy
or for some useful purpose. Thus a man can actually
talk a hole through a board.
Somewhat weary of all this work and excitement,
and not having enjoyed any cessation from toil, or
period of rest, for ten years, Edison jumped eagerly
at the opportunity afforded him in the summer of
1878 of making a westward trip. Just thirty years
later, on a similar trip over the same ground, he
jotted down for this volume some of his reminiscences.
The lure of 1878 was the opportunity to try
the ability of his delicate tasimeter during the total
eclipse of the sun, July 29. His admiring friend, Prof.
George F. Barker, of the University of Pennsylvania,
with whom he had now been on terms of intimacy
for some years, suggested the holiday, and was himself
a member of the excursion party that made its
rendezvous at Rawlins, Wyoming Territory. Edison
had tested his tasimeter, and was satisfied that it
would measure down to the millionth part of a
degree Fahrenheit. It was just ten years since he
had left the West in poverty and obscurity, a penni-
less operator in search of a job; but now he was a
great inventor and famous, a welcome addition to
the band of astronomers and physicists assembled
to observe the eclipse and the corona.
"There were astronomers from nearly every nation,"
says Mr. Edison. "We had a special car.
The country at that time was rather new; game was
in great abundance, and could be seen all day long
from the car window, especially antelope. We arrived
at Rawlins about 4 P.M. It had a small machine
shop, and was the point where locomotives
were changed for the next section. The hotel was a
very small one, and by doubling up we were barely
accommodated. My room-mate was Fox, the correspondent
of the New York Herald. After we retired
and were asleep a thundering knock on the door
awakened us. Upon opening the door a tall, handsome
man with flowing hair dressed in western style
entered the room. His eyes were bloodshot, and he
was somewhat inebriated. He introduced himself as
`Texas Jack'--Joe Chromondo--and said he wanted
to see Edison, as he had read about me in the newspapers.
Both Fox and I were rather scared, and
didn't know what was to be the result of the interview.
The landlord requested him not to make so
much noise, and was thrown out into the hall. Jack
explained that he had just come in with a party
which had been hunting, and that he felt fine. He
explained, also, that he was the boss pistol-shot of
the West; that it was he who taught the celebrated
Doctor Carver how to shoot. Then suddenly pointing
to a weather-vane on the freight depot, he pulled
out a Colt revolver and fired through the window,
hitting the vane. The shot awakened all the people,
and they rushed in to see who was killed. It was
only after I told him I was tired and would see him
in the morning that he left. Both Fox and I were so
nervous we didn't sleep any that night.
"We were told in the morning that Jack was a
pretty good fellow, and was not one of the `bad
men,' of whom they had a good supply. They had
one in the jail, and Fox and I went over to see him. A
few days before he had held up a Union Pacific train
and robbed all the passengers. In the jail also was a
half-breed horse-thief. We interviewed the bad man
through bars as big as railroad rails. He looked like
a `bad man.' The rim of his ear all around came
to a sharp edge and was serrated. His eyes were nearly
white, and appeared as if made of glass and set in
wrong, like the life-size figures of Indians in the
Smithsonian Institution. His face was also extremely
irregular. He wouldn't answer a single question.
I learned afterward that he got seven years in prison,
while the horse-thief was hanged. As horses ran
wild, and there was no protection, it meant death
to steal one."
This was one interlude among others. "The first
thing the astronomers did was to determine with
precision their exact locality upon the earth. A number
of observations were made, and Watson, of Michigan
University, with two others, worked all night
computing, until they agreed. They said they were
not in error more than one hundred feet, and that
the station was twelve miles out of the position given
on the maps. It seemed to take an immense amount
of mathematics. I preserved one of the sheets, which
looked like the time-table of a Chinese railroad. The
instruments of the various parties were then set up
in different parts of the little town, and got ready
for the eclipse which was to occur in three or four days.
Two days before the event we all got together, and
obtaining an engine and car, went twelve miles
farther west to visit the United States Government
astronomers at a place called Separation, the apex
of the Great Divide, where the waters run east to the
Mississippi and west to the Pacific. Fox and I took
our Winchester rifles with an idea of doing a little
shooting. After calling on the Government people
we started to interview the telegraph operator at this
most lonely and desolate spot. After talking over old
acquaintances I asked him if there was any game
around. He said, `Plenty of jack-rabbits.' These
jack-rabbits are a very peculiar species. They have
ears about six inches long and very slender legs,
about three times as long as those of an ordinary
rabbit, and travel at a great speed by a series of
jumps, each about thirty feet long, as near as I could
judge. The local people called them `narrow-gauge
mules.' Asking the operator the best direction, he
pointed west, and noticing a rabbit in a clear space
in the sage bushes, I said, `There is one now.' I
advanced cautiously to within one hundred feet and
shot. The rabbit paid no attention. I then advanced
to within ten feet and shot again--the rabbit
was still immovable. On looking around, the whole
crowd at the station were watching--and then I
knew the rabbit was stuffed! However, we did shoot
a number of live ones until Fox ran out of cartridges.
On returning to the station I passed away the time
shooting at cans set on a pile of tins. Finally the
operator said to Fox: `I have a fine Springfield
musket, suppose you try it!' So Fox took the
musket and fired. It knocked him nearly over. It
seems that the musket had been run over by a handcar,
which slightly bent the long barrel, but not
sufficiently for an amateur like Fox to notice. After
Fox had his shoulder treated with arnica at the
Government hospital tent, we returned to Rawlins."
The eclipse was, however, the prime consideration,
and Edison followed the example of his colleagues in
making ready. The place which he secured for setting
up his tasimeter was an enclosure hardly suitable
for the purpose, and he describes the results as follows:
"I had my apparatus in a small yard enclosed by
a board fence six feet high, at one end there was a
house for hens. I noticed that they all went to roost
just before totality. At the same time a slight wind
arose, and at the moment of totality the atmosphere
was filled with thistle-down and other light articles.
I noticed one feather, whose weight was at least one
hundred and fifty milligrams, rise perpendicularly to
the top of the fence, where it floated away on the
wind. My apparatus was entirely too sensitive, and
I got no results." It was found that the heat from
the corona of the sun was ten times the index capacity
of the instrument; but this result did not leave the
value of the device in doubt. The Scientific American
remarked;
"Seeing that the tasimeter is affected by a wider range
of etheric undulations than the eye can take cognizance
of, and is withal far more acutely sensitive, the probabilities
are that it will open up hitherto inaccessible
regions of space, and possibly extend the range of aerial
knowledge as far beyond the limit obtained by the telescope
as that is beyond the narrow reach of unaided
vision."
The eclipse over, Edison, with Professor Barker,
Major Thornberg, several soldiers, and a number of
railroad officials, went hunting about one hundred
miles south of the railroad in the Ute country. A
few months later the Major and thirty soldiers were
ambushed near the spot at which the hunting-party
had camped, and all were killed. Through an introduction
from Mr. Jay Gould, who then controlled the
Union Pacific, Edison was allowed to ride on the
cow-catchers of the locomotives. "The different
engineers gave me a small cushion, and every day I
rode in this manner, from Omaha to the Sacramento
Valley, except through the snow-shed on the summit
of the Sierras, without dust or anything else to
obstruct the view. Only once was I in danger when
the locomotive struck an animal about the size of
a small cub bear--which I think was a badger. This
animal struck the front of the locomotive just under
the headlight with great violence, and was then
thrown off by the rebound. I was sitting to one side
grasping the angle brace, so no harm was done."
This welcome vacation lasted nearly two months;
but Edison was back in his laboratory and hard at
work before the end of August, gathering up many
loose ends, and trying out many thoughts and ideas
that had accumulated on the trip. One hot afternoon
--August 30th, as shown by the document in
the case--Mr. Edison was found by one of the authors
of this biography employed most busily in making
a mysterious series of tests on paper, using for ink
acids that corrugated and blistered the paper where
written upon. When interrogated as to his object,
he stated that the plan was to afford blind people
the means of writing directly to each other, especially
if they were also deaf and could not hear a message
on the phonograph. The characters which he was
thus forming on the paper were high enough in relief
to be legible to the delicate touch of a blind man's
fingers, and with simple apparatus letters could be
thus written, sent, and read. There was certainly
no question as to the result obtained at the moment,
which was all that was asked; but the Edison autograph
thus and then written now shows the paper
eaten out by the acid used, although covered with
glass for many years. Mr. Edison does not remember
that he ever recurred to this very interesting test.
He was, however, ready for anything new or novel,
and no record can ever be made or presented that
would do justice to a tithe of the thoughts and fancies
daily and hourly put upon the rack. The famous
note-books, to which reference will be made later,
were not begun as a regular series, as it was only the
profusion of these ideas that suggested the vital value
of such systematic registration. Then as now, the
propositions brought to Edison ranged over every
conceivable subject, but the years have taught him
caution in grappling with them. He tells an amusing
story of one dilemma into which his good-nature led
him at this period: "At Menlo Park one day, a farmer
came in and asked if I knew any way to kill potato-
bugs. He had twenty acres of potatoes, and the
vines were being destroyed. I sent men out and
culled two quarts of bugs, and tried every chemical
I had to destroy them. Bisulphide of carbon was
found to do it instantly. I got a drum and went over
to the potato farm and sprinkled it on the vines with
a pot. Every bug dropped dead. The next morning
the farmer came in very excited and reported that
the stuff had killed the vines as well. I had to pay
$300 for not experimenting properly."
During this year, 1878, the phonograph made its
way also to Europe, and various sums of money were
paid there to secure the rights to its manufacture and
exploitation. In England, for example, the Microscopic
Company paid $7500 down and agreed to a
royalty, while arrangements were effected also in
France, Russia, and other countries. In every instance,
as in this country, the commercial development
had to wait several years, for in the mean time
another great art had been brought into existence,
demanding exclusive attention and exhaustive toil.
And when the work was done the reward was a new
heaven and a new earth--in the art of illumination.
CHAPTER XI
THE INVENTION OF THE INCANDESCENT LAMP
IT is possible to imagine a time to come when the
hours of work and rest will once more be regulated
by the sun. But the course of civilization has been
marked by an artificial lengthening of the day, and by a
constant striving after more perfect means of illumination.
Why mankind should sleep through several hours
of sunlight in the morning, and stay awake through
a needless time in the evening, can probably only
be attributed to total depravity. It is certainly a
most stupid, expensive, and harmful habit. In no
one thing has man shown greater fertility of invention
than in lighting; to nothing does he cling more
tenaciously than to his devices for furnishing light.
Electricity to-day reigns supreme in the field of
illumination, but every other kind of artificial light
that has ever been known is still in use somewhere.
Toward its light-bringers the race has assumed an
attitude of veneration, though it has forgotten, if it
ever heard, the names of those who first brightened
its gloom and dissipated its darkness. If the tallow
candle, hitherto unknown, were now invented, its
creator would be hailed as one of the greatest
benefactors of the present age.
Up to the close of the eighteenth century, the means
of house and street illumination were of two generic
kinds--grease and oil; but then came a swift and
revolutionary change in the adoption of gas. The
ideas and methods of Murdoch and Lebon soon took
definite shape, and "coal smoke" was piped from its
place of origin to distant points of consumption. As
early as 1804, the first company ever organized for
gas lighting was formed in London, one side of Pall
Mall being lit up by the enthusiastic pioneer, Winsor,
in 1807. Equal activity was shown in America, and
Baltimore began the practice of gas lighting in 1816.
It is true that there were explosions, and distinguished
men like Davy and Watt opined that the illuminant
was too dangerous; but the "spirit of coal" had
demonstrated its usefulness convincingly, and a
commercial development began, which, for extent
and rapidity, was not inferior to that marking the
concurrent adoption of steam in industry and transportation.
Meantime the wax candle and the Argand oil lamp
held their own bravely. The whaling fleets, long after
gas came into use, were one of the greatest sources
of our national wealth. To New Bedford, Massachusetts,
alone, some three or four hundred ships
brought their whale and sperm oil, spermaceti, and
whalebone; and at one time that port was accounted
the richest city in the United States in proportion
to its population. The ship-owners and refiners of
that whaling metropolis were slow to believe that
their monopoly could ever be threatened by newer
sources of illumination; but gas had become available
in the cities, and coal-oil and petroleum were now
added to the list of illuminating materials. The
American whaling fleet, which at the time of Edison's
birth mustered over seven hundred sail, had dwindled
probably to a bare tenth when he took up the problem
of illumination; and the competition of oil from
the ground with oil from the sea, and with coal-gas,
had made the artificial production of light cheaper
than ever before, when up to the middle of the century
it had remained one of the heaviest items of
domestic expense. Moreover, just about the time
that Edison took up incandescent lighting, water-gas
was being introduced on a large scale as a commercial
illuminant that could be produced at a much lower
cost than coal-gas.
Throughout the first half of the nineteenth century
the search for a practical electric light was almost
wholly in the direction of employing methods analogous
to those already familiar; in other words, obtaining
the illumination from the actual consumption of
the light-giving material. In the third quarter of
the century these methods were brought to practicality,
but all may be referred back to the brilliant
demonstrations of Sir Humphry Davy at the Royal
Institution, circa 1809-10, when, with the current
from a battery of two thousand cells, he produced an
intense voltaic arc between the points of consuming
sticks of charcoal. For more than thirty years the
arc light remained an expensive laboratory experiment;
but the coming of the dynamo placed that
illuminant on a commercial basis. The mere fact
that electrical energy from the least expensive chemical
battery using up zinc and acids costs twenty
times as much as that from a dynamo--driven by
steam-engine--is in itself enough to explain why so
many of the electric arts lingered in embryo after
their fundamental principles had been discovered.
Here is seen also further proof of the great truth
that one invention often waits for another.
From 1850 onward the improvements in both the
arc lamp and the dynamo were rapid; and under the
superintendence of the great Faraday, in 1858, protecting
beams of intense electric light from the voltaic
arc were shed over the waters of the Straits of Dover
from the beacons of South Foreland and Dungeness.
By 1878 the arc-lighting industry had sprung into
existence in so promising a manner as to engender
an extraordinary fever and furor of speculation. At
the Philadelphia Centennial Exposition of 1876,
Wallace-Farmer dynamos built at Ansonia, Connecticut,
were shown, with the current from which arc
lamps were there put in actual service. A year or
two later the work of Charles F. Brush and Edward
Weston laid the deep foundation of modern arc lighting
in America, securing as well substantial recognition
abroad.
Thus the new era had been ushered in, but it was
based altogether on the consumption of some material
--carbon--in a lamp open to the air. Every
lamp the world had ever known did this, in one way
or another. Edison himself began at that point,
and his note-books show that he made various experiments
with this type of lamp at a very early stage.
Indeed, his experiments had led him so far as to
anticipate in 1875 what are now known as "flaming
arcs," the exceedingly bright and generally orange
or rose-colored lights which have been introduced
within the last few years, and are now so frequently
seen in streets and public places. While the arcs
with plain carbons are bluish-white, those with carbons
containing calcium fluoride have a notable
golden glow.
He was convinced, however, that the greatest field
of lighting lay in the illumination of houses and other
comparatively enclosed areas, to replace the ordinary
gas light, rather than in the illumination of streets
and other outdoor places by lights of great volume
and brilliancy. Dismissing from his mind quickly
the commercial impossibility of using arc lights for
general indoor illumination, he arrived at the conclusion
that an electric lamp giving light by incandescence
was the solution of the problem.
Edison was familiar with the numerous but
impracticable and commercially unsuccessful efforts
that had been previously made by other inventors
and investigators to produce electric light by incandescence,
and at the time that he began his experiments,
in 1877, almost the whole scientific world
had pronounced such an idea as impossible of fulfilment.
The leading electricians, physicists, and experts
of the period had been studying the subject
for more than a quarter of a century, and with but
one known exception had proven mathematically and
by close reasoning that the "Subdivision of the
Electric Light," as it was then termed, was practically
beyond attainment. Opinions of this nature
have ever been but a stimulus to Edison when he
has given deep thought to a subject, and has become
impressed with strong convictions of possibility, and
in this particular case he was satisfied that the subdivision
of the electric light--or, more correctly, the
subdivision of the electric current--was not only
possible but entirely practicable.
It will have been perceived from the foregoing
chapters that from the time of boyhood, when he
first began to rub against the world, his commercial
instincts were alert and predominated in almost all
of the enterprises that he set in motion. This
characteristic trait had grown stronger as he matured,
having received, as it did, fresh impetus and strength
from his one lapse in the case of his first patented
invention, the vote-recorder. The lesson he then
learned was to devote his inventive faculties only to
things for which there was a real, genuine demand,
and that would subserve the actual necessities of
humanity; and it was probably a fortunate circumstance
that this lesson was learned at the outset of
his career as an inventor. He has never assumed to
be a philosopher or "pure scientist."
In order that the reader may grasp an adequate
idea of the magnitude and importance of Edison's
invention of the incandescent lamp, it will be necessary
to review briefly the "state of the art" at the
time he began his experiments on that line. After
the invention of the voltaic battery, early in the last
century, experiments were made which determined
that heat could be produced by the passage of the
electric current through wires of platinum and other
metals, and through pieces of carbon, as noted al-
ready, and it was, of course, also observed that if
sufficient current were passed through these conductors
they could be brought from the lower stage
of redness up to the brilliant white heat of incandescence.
As early as 1845 the results of these experiments
were taken advantage of when Starr, a
talented American who died at the early age of
twenty-five, suggested, in his English patent of that
year, two forms of small incandescent electric lamps,
one having a burner made from platinum foil placed
under a glass cover without excluding the air; and
the other composed of a thin plate or pencil of carbon
enclosed in a Torricellian vacuum. These suggestions
of young Starr were followed by many other experimenters,
whose improvements consisted principally
in devices to increase the compactness and portability
of the lamp, in the sealing of the lamp chamber
to prevent the admission of air, and in means
for renewing the carbon burner when it had been consumed.
Thus Roberts, in 1852, proposed to cement
the neck of the glass globe into a metallic cup, and
to provide it with a tube or stop-cock for exhaustion
by means of a hand-pump. Lodyguine, Konn, Kosloff,
and Khotinsky, between 1872 and 1877, proposed
various ingenious devices for perfecting the
joint between the metal base and the glass globe, and
also provided their lamps with several short carbon
pencils, which were automatically brought into circuit
successively as the pencils were consumed. In
1876 or 1877, Bouliguine proposed the employment
of a long carbon pencil, a short section only of
which was in circuit at any one time and formed the
burner, the lamp being provided with a mechanism
for automatically pushing other sections of the pencil
into position between the contacts to renew the
burner. Sawyer and Man proposed, in 1878, to make
the bottom plate of glass instead of metal, and
provided ingenious arrangements for charging the
lamp chamber with an atmosphere of pure nitrogen
gas which does not support combustion.
These lamps and many others of similar character,
ingenious as they were, failed to become of any commercial
value, due, among other things, to the brief
life of the carbon burner. Even under the best conditions
it was found that the carbon members were
subject to a rapid disintegration or evaporation,
which experimenters assumed was due to the disrupting
action of the electric current; and hence the
conclusion that carbon contained in itself the elements
of its own destruction, and was not a suitable
material for the burner of an incandescent lamp.
On the other hand, platinum, although found to be
the best of all materials for the purpose, aside from
its great expense, and not combining with oxygen at
high temperatures as does carbon, required to be
brought so near the melting-point in order to give
light, that a very slight increase in the temperature
resulted in its destruction. It was assumed that the
difficulty lay in the material of the burner itself, and
not in its environment.
It was not realized up to such a comparatively
recent date as 1879 that the solution of the great
problem of subdivision of the electric current would
not, however, be found merely in the production of
a durable incandescent electric lamp--even if any of
the lamps above referred to had fulfilled that requirement.
The other principal features necessary
to subdivide the electric current successfully were:
the burning of an indefinite number of lights on the
same circuit; each light to give a useful and economical
degree of illumination; and each light to be independent
of all the others in regard to its operation
and extinguishment.
The opinions of scientific men of the period on the
subject are well represented by the two following
extracts--the first, from a lecture at the Royal
United Service Institution, about February, 1879,
by Mr. (Sir) W. H. Preece, one of the most eminent
electricians in England, who, after discussing the
question mathematically, said: "Hence the sub-division
of the light is an absolute ignis fatuus." The
other extract is from a book written by Paget Higgs,
LL.D., D.Sc., published in London in 1879, in which
he says: "Much nonsense has been talked in relation
to this subject. Some inventors have claimed the
power to `indefinitely divide' the electric current, not
knowing or forgetting that such a statement is incompatible
with the well-proven law of conservation
of energy."
"Some inventors," in the last sentence just quoted,
probably--indeed, we think undoubtedly--refers to
Edison, whose earlier work in electric lighting (1878)
had been announced in this country and abroad, and
who had then stated boldly his conviction of the
practicability of the subdivision of the electrical current.
The above extracts are good illustrations,
however, of scientific opinions up to the end of 1879,
when Mr. Edison's epoch-making invention rendered
them entirely untenable. The eminent scientist,
John Tyndall, while not sharing these precise views,
at least as late as January 17, 1879, delivered a
lecture before the Royal Institution on "The
Electric Light," when, after pointing out the
development of the art up to Edison's work, and
showing the apparent hopelessness of the problem, he
said: "Knowing something of the intricacy of the
practical problem, I should certainly prefer seeing it
in Edison's hands to having it in mine."
The reader may have deemed this sketch of the
state of the art to be a considerable digression; but
it is certainly due to the subject to present the facts
in such a manner as to show that this great invention
was neither the result of improving some process or
device that was known or existing at the time, nor
due to any unforeseen lucky chance, nor the accidental
result of other experiments. On the contrary, it was
the legitimate outcome of a series of exhaustive
experiments founded upon logical and original reasoning
in a mind that had the courage and hardihood to
set at naught the confirmed opinions of the world,
voiced by those generally acknowledged to be the
best exponents of the art--experiments carried on
amid a storm of jeers and derision, almost as
contemptuous as if the search were for the discovery of
perpetual motion. In this we see the man foreshadowed
by the boy who, when he obtained his books
on chemistry or physics, did not accept any statement
of fact or experiment therein, but worked out every
one of them himself to ascertain whether or not they
were true.
Although this brings the reader up to the year
1879, one must turn back two years and accompany
Edison in his first attack on the electric-light problem.
In 1877 he sold his telephone invention (the carbon
transmitter) to the Western Union Telegraph Company,
which had previously come into possession also
of his quadruplex inventions, as already related. He
was still busily engaged on the telephone, on acoustic
electrical transmission, sextuplex telegraphs, duplex
telegraphs, miscellaneous carbon articles, and other
inventions of a minor nature. During the whole of
the previous year and until late in the summer of
1877, he had been working with characteristic energy
and enthusiasm on the telephone; and, in developing
this invention to a successful issue, had preferred the
use of carbon and had employed it in numerous
forms, especially in the form of carbonized paper.
Eighteen hundred and seventy-seven in Edison's
laboratory was a veritable carbon year, for it was
carbon in some shape or form for interpolation in
electric circuits of various kinds that occupied the
thoughts of the whole force from morning to night.
It is not surprising, therefore, that in September of
that year, when Edison turned his thoughts actively
toward electric lighting by incandescence, his early
experiments should be in the line of carbon as an
illuminant. His originality of method was displayed
at the very outset, for one of the first experiments
was the bringing to incandescence of a strip of carbon
in the open air to ascertain merely how much current
was required. This conductor was a strip of carbonized
paper about an inch long, one-sixteenth of an
inch broad, and six or seven one-thousandths of an
inch thick, the ends of which were secured to clamps
that formed the poles of a battery. The carbon
was lighted up to incandescence, and, of course,
oxidized and disintegrated immediately. Within a
few days this was followed by experiments with the
same kind of carbon, but in vacuo by means of a
hand-worked air-pump. This time the carbon strip
burned at incandescence for about eight minutes.
Various expedients to prevent oxidization were tried,
such, for instance, as coating the carbon with powdered
glass, which in melting would protect the
carbon from the atmosphere, but without successful
results.
Edison was inclined to concur in the prevailing
opinion as to the easy destructibility of carbon, but,
without actually settling the point in his mind, he
laid aside temporarily this line of experiment and
entered a new field. He had made previously some
trials of platinum wire as an incandescent burner
for a lamp, but left it for a time in favor of carbon.
He now turned to the use of almost infusible metals--
such as boron, ruthenium, chromium, etc.--as separators
or tiny bridges between two carbon points,
the current acting so as to bring these separators to
a high degree of incandescence, at which point they
would emit a brilliant light. He also placed some of
these refractory metals directly in the circuit, bringing
them to incandescence, and used silicon in powdered
form in glass tubes placed in the electric circuit. His
notes include the use of powdered silicon mixed with
lime or other very infusible non-conductors or semi-
conductors. Edison's conclusions on these substances
were that, while in some respects they were
within the bounds of possibility for the subdivision
of the electric current, they did not reach the ideal
that he had in mind for commercial results.
Edison's systematized attacks on the problem were
two in number, the first of which we have just related,
which began in September, 1877, and continued
until about January, 1878. Contemporaneously,
he and his force of men were very busily engaged
day and night on other important enterprises
and inventions. Among the latter, the phonograph
may be specially mentioned, as it was invented in
the late fall of 1877. From that time until July,
1878, his time and attention day and night were almost
completely absorbed by the excitement caused
by the invention and exhibition of the machine. In
July, feeling entitled to a brief vacation after several
years of continuous labor, Edison went with the
expedition to Wyoming to observe an eclipse of the
sun, and incidentally to test his tasimeter, a delicate
instrument devised by him for measuring heat transmitted
through immense distances of space. His trip
has been already described. He was absent about
two months. Coming home rested and refreshed,
Mr. Edison says: "After my return from the trip to
observe the eclipse of the sun, I went with Professor
Barker, Professor of Physics in the University of
Pennsylvania, and Doctor Chandler, Professor of
Chemistry in Columbia College, to see Mr. Wallace,
a large manufacturer of brass in Ansonia, Connecticut.
Wallace at this time was experimenting on
series arc lighting. Just at that time I wanted to
take up something new, and Professor Barker suggested
that I go to work and see if I could subdivide
the electric light so it could be got in small units like
gas. This was not a new suggestion, because I had
made a number of experiments on electric lighting a
year before this. They had been laid aside for the
phonograph. I determined to take up the search
again and continue it. On my return home I started
my usual course of collecting every kind of data
about gas; bought all the transactions of the gas-
engineering societies, etc., all the back volumes of
gas journals, etc. Having obtained all the data, and
investigated gas-jet distribution in New York by
actual observations, I made up my mind that the
problem of the subdivision of the electric current
could be solved and made commercial." About the
end of August, 1878, he began his second organized
attack on the subdivision of the current, which was
steadily maintained until he achieved signal victory
a year and two months later.
The date of this interesting visit to Ansonia is
fixed by an inscription made by Edison on a glass
goblet which he used. The legend in diamond
scratches runs: "Thomas A. Edison, September 8,
1878, made under the electric light." Other members
of the party left similar memorials, which under the
circumstances have come to be greatly prized. A
number of experiments were witnessed in arc lighting,
and Edison secured a small Wallace-Farmer dynamo
for his own work, as well as a set of Wallace arc
lamps for lighting the Menlo Park laboratory. Before
leaving Ansonia, Edison remarked, significantly:
"Wallace, I believe I can beat you making electric
lights. I don't think you are working in the right
direction." Another date which shows how promptly
the work was resumed is October 14, 1878, when Edison
filed an application for his first lighting patent:
"Improvement in Electric Lights." In after years,
discussing the work of Wallace, who was not only a great
pioneer electrical manufacturer, but one of the founders
of the wire-drawing and brass-working industry,
Edison said: "Wallace was one of the earliest pioneers
in electrical matters in this country. He has
done a great deal of good work, for which others have
received the credit; and the work which he did in
the early days of electric lighting others have benefited
by largely, and he has been crowded to one side
and forgotten." Associated in all this work with
Wallace at Ansonia was Prof. Moses G. Farmer,
famous for the introduction of the fire-alarm system;
as the discoverer of the self-exciting principle of the
modern dynamo; as a pioneer experimenter in the
electric-railway field; as a telegraph engineer, and
as a lecturer on mines and explosives to naval classes
at Newport. During 1858, Farmer, who, like Edison,
was a ceaseless investigator, had made a series of
studies upon the production of light by electricity,
and had even invented an automatic regulator by
which a number of platinum lamps in multiple arc
could be kept at uniform voltage for any length of
time. In July, 1859, he lit up one of the rooms of
his house at Salem, Massachusetts, every evening
with such lamps, using in them small pieces of platinum
and iridium wire, which were made to incandesce
by means of current from primary batteries.
Farmer was not one of the party that memorable day
in September, but his work was known through his
intimate connection with Wallace, and there is no
doubt that reference was made to it. Such work had
not led very far, the "lamps" were hopelessly short-
lived, and everything was obviously experimental;
but it was all helpful and suggestive to one whose
open mind refused no hint from any quarter.
At the commencement of his new attempts, Edison
returned to his experiments with carbon as an
incandescent burner for a lamp, and made a very large
number of trials, all in vacuo. Not only were the
ordinary strip paper carbons tried again, but tissue-
paper coated with tar and lampblack was rolled
into thin sticks, like knitting-needles, carbonized and
raised to incandescence in vacuo. Edison also tried
hard carbon, wood carbons, and almost every
conceivable variety of paper carbon in like manner.
With the best vacuum that he could then get by
means of the ordinary air-pump, the carbons would
last, at the most, only from ten to fifteen minutes in
a state of incandescence. Such results were evidently
not of commercial value.
Edison then turned his attention in other directions.
In his earliest consideration of the problem
of subdividing the electric current, he had decided
that the only possible solution lay in the employment
of a lamp whose incandescing body should have a
high resistance combined with a small radiating surface,
and be capable of being used in what is called
"multiple arc," so that each unit, or lamp, could be
turned on or off without interfering with any other
unit or lamp. No other arrangement could possibly
be considered as commercially practicable.
The full significance of the three last preceding
sentences will not be obvious to laymen, as undoubtedly
many of the readers of this book may be; and now
being on the threshold of the series of Edison's experiments
that led up to the basic invention, we interpolate
a brief explanation, in order that the reader
may comprehend the logical reasoning and work that
in this case produced such far-reaching results.
If we consider a simple circuit in which a current
is flowing, and include in the circuit a carbon horseshoe-like
conductor which it is desired to bring to
incandescence by the heat generated by the current
passing through it, it is first evident that the resistance
offered to the current by the wires themselves
must be less than that offered by the burner, because,
otherwise current would be wasted as heat in the conducting
wires. At the very foundation of the electric-
lighting art is the essentially commercial consideration
that one cannot spend very much for conductors, and
Edison determined that, in order to use wires of a
practicable size, the voltage of the current (i.e., its
pressure or the characteristic that overcomes resistance
to its flow) should be one hundred and ten volts,
which since its adoption has been the standard. To
use a lower voltage or pressure, while making the solution
of the lighting problem a simple one as we shall
see, would make it necessary to increase the size of
the conducting wires to a prohibitive extent. To
increase the voltage or pressure materially, while
permitting some saving in the cost of conductors, would
enormously increase the difficulties of making a
sufficiently high resistance conductor to secure light by
incandescence. This apparently remote consideration
--weight of copper used--was really the commercial
key to the problem, just as the incandescent
burner was the scientific key to that problem. Before
Edison's invention incandescent lamps had been
suggested as a possibility, but they were provided
with carbon rods or strips of relatively low resistance,
and to bring these to incandescence required a current
of low pressure, because a current of high voltage
would pass through them so readily as not to generate
heat; and to carry a current of low pressure through
wires without loss would require wires of enormous
size.[8] Having a current of relatively high pressure
to contend with, it was necessary to provide a carbon
burner which, as compared with what had previously
been suggested, should have a very great resistance.
Carbon as a material, determined after patient search,
apparently offered the greatest hope, but even with
this substance the necessary high resistance could be
obtained only by making the burner of extremely
small cross-section, thereby also reducing its radiating
surface. Therefore, the crucial point was the
production of a hair-like carbon filament, with a
relatively great resistance and small radiating surface,
capable of withstanding mechanical shock, and
susceptible of being maintained at a temperature of
over two thousand degrees for a thousand hours or
more before breaking. And this filamentary conductor
required to be supported in a vacuum chamber
so perfectly formed and constructed that during all
those hours, and subjected as it is to varying temperatures,
not a particle of air should enter to disintegrate
the filament. And not only so, but the
lamp after its design must not be a mere laboratory
possibility, but a practical commercial article capable
of being manufactured at low cost and in large
quantities. A statement of what had to be done in
those days of actual as well as scientific electrical
darkness is quite sufficient to explain Tyndall's attitude
of mind in preferring that the problem should
be in Edison's hands rather than in his own. To
say that the solution of the problem lay merely in
reducing the size of the carbon burner to a mere hair,
is to state a half-truth only; but who, we ask, would
have had the temerity even to suggest that such an
attenuated body could be maintained at a white heat,
without disintegration, for a thousand hours? The solution
consisted not only in that, but in the enormous
mass of patiently worked-out details--the manufacture
of the filaments, their uniform carbonization,
making the globes, producing a perfect vacuum, and
countless other factors, the omission of any one of
which would probably have resulted eventually in
failure.
[8] As a practical illustration of these facts it was calculated by
Professor Barker, of the University of Pennsylvania (after Edison
had invented the incandescent lamp), that if it should cost $100,000
for copper conductors to supply current to Edison lamps in
a given area, it would cost about $200,000,000 for copper conductors
for lighting the same area by lamps of the earlier experimenters
--such, for instance, as the lamp invented by Konn in 1875. This
enormous difference would be accounted for by the fact that
Edison's lamp was one having a high resistance and relatively
small radiating surface, while Konn's lamp was one having a very
low resistance and large radiating surface.
Continuing the digression one step farther in order
to explain the term "multiple arc," it may be stated
that there are two principal systems
of distributing electric current, one
termed "series," and the other
"multiple arc." The two are
illustrated, diagrammatically,
side by side, the
arrows indicating flow of
current. The series system,
it will be seen, presents
one continuous path
for the current. The current
for the last lamp
must pass through the
first and all the intermediate
lamps. Hence, if
any one light goes out,
the continuity of the path
is broken, current cannot
flow, and all the lamps
are extinguished unless a
loop or by-path is provided. It is quite
obvious that such a system would be
commercially impracticable where small
units, similar to gas jets, were employed. On the other
hand, in the multiple-arc system, current may be considered
as flowing in two parallel conductors like the
vertical sides of a ladder, the ends of which never
come together. Each lamp is placed in a separate
circuit across these two conductors, like a rung in
the ladder, thus making a separate and independent
path for the current in each case. Hence, if
a lamp goes out, only that individual subdivision, or
ladder step, is affected; just that one particular path
for the current is interrupted, but none of the other
lamps is interfered with. They remain lighted, each
one independent of the other. The reader will quite
readily understand, therefore, that a multiple-arc system
is the only one practically commercial where
electric light is to be used in small units like those
of gas or oil.
Such was the nature of the problem that confronted
Edison at the outset. There was nothing in the
whole world that in any way approximated a solution,
although the most brilliant minds in the electrical
art had been assiduously working on the subject
for a quarter of a century preceding. As already seen,
he came early to the conclusion that the only solution
lay in the use of a lamp of high resistance and
small radiating surface, and, with characteristic fervor
and energy, he attacked the problem from this
standpoint, having absolute faith in a successful outcome.
The mere fact that even with the successful
production of the electric lamp the assault on the
complete problem of commercial lighting would hardly
be begun did not deter him in the slightest. To
one of Edison's enthusiastic self-confidence the long
vista of difficulties ahead--we say it in all sincerity--
must have been alluring.
After having devoted several months to experimental
trials of carbon, at the end of 1878, as already
detailed, he turned his attention to the platinum
group of metals and began a series of experiments in
which he used chiefly platinum wire and iridium wire,
and alloys of refractory metals in the form of wire burners
for incandescent lamps. These metals have very
high fusing-points, and were found to last longer than
the carbon strips previously used when heated up to
incandescence by the electric current, although under
such conditions as were then possible they were
melted by excess of current after they had been
lighted a comparatively short time, either in the
open air or in such a vacuum as could be obtained
by means of the ordinary air-pump.
Nevertheless, Edison continued along this line of
experiment with unremitting vigor, making improvement
after improvement, until about April, 1879, he
devised a means whereby platinum wire of a given
length, which would melt in the open air when giving
a light equal to four candles, would emit a light of
twenty-five candle-power without fusion. This was
accomplished by introducing the platinum wire into
an all-glass globe, completely sealed and highly
exhausted of air, and passing a current through the
platinum wire while the vacuum was being made. In
this, which was a new and radical invention, we see
the first step toward the modern incandescent lamp.
The knowledge thus obtained that current passing
through the platinum during exhaustion would drive
out occluded gases (i.e., gases mechanically held in
or upon the metal), and increase the infusibility of
the platinum, led him to aim at securing greater perfection
in the vacuum, on the theory that the higher
the vacuum obtained, the higher would be the infusibility
of the platinum burner. And this fact also
was of the greatest importance in making successful
the final use of carbon, because without the subjection
of the carbon to the heating effect of current during
the formation of the vacuum, the presence of occluded
gases would have been a fatal obstacle.
Continuing these experiments with most fervent
zeal, taking no account of the passage of time, with
an utter disregard for meals, and but scanty hours
of sleep snatched reluctantly at odd periods of the
day or night, Edison kept his laboratory going without
cessation. A great variety of lamps was made
of the platinum-iridium type, mostly with thermal
devices to regulate the temperature of the burner and
prevent its being melted by an excess of current.
The study of apparatus for obtaining more perfect
vacua was unceasingly carried on, for Edison realized
that in this there lay a potent factor of ultimate
success. About August he had obtained a pump that
would produce a vacuum up to about the one-hundred-
thousandth part of an atmosphere, and some
time during the next month, or beginning of October,
had obtained one that would produce a vacuum up
to the one-millionth part of an atmosphere. It must
be remembered that the conditions necessary for
MAINTAINING this high vacuum were only made possible
by his invention of the one-piece all-glass globe,
in which all the joints were hermetically sealed
during its manufacture into a lamp, whereby a high
vacuum could be retained continuously for any
length of time.
In obtaining this perfection of vacuum apparatus,
Edison realized that he was approaching much nearer
to a solution of the problem. In his experiments with
the platinum-iridium lamps, he had been working all
the time toward the proposition of high resistance
and small radiating surface, until he had made a
lamp having thirty feet of fine platinum wire wound
upon a small bobbin of infusible material; but the
desired economy, simplicity, and durability were not
obtained in this manner, although at all times the
burner was maintained at a critically high temperature.
After attaining a high degree of perfection
with these lamps, he recognized their impracticable
character, and his mind reverted to the opinion he
had formed in his early experiments two years before
--viz., that carbon had the requisite resistance to
permit a very simple conductor to accomplish the
object if it could be used in the form of a hair-like
"filament," provided the filament itself could be
made sufficiently homogeneous. As we have already
seen, he could not use carbon successfully in his
earlier experiments, for the strips of carbon he then
employed, although they were much larger than
"filaments," would not stand, but were consumed in
a few minutes under the imperfect conditions then
at his command.
Now, however, that he had found means for obtaining
and maintaining high vacua, Edison immediately
went back to carbon, which from the first he
had conceived of as the ideal substance for a burner.
His next step proved conclusively the correctness of
his old deductions. On October 21, 1879, after many
patient trials, he carbonized a piece of cotton sewing-
thread bent into a loop or horseshoe form, and had it
sealed into a glass globe from which he exhausted the air
until a vacuum up to one-millionth of an atmosphere
was produced. This lamp, when put on the circuit,
lighted up brightly to incandescence and maintained
its integrity for over forty hours, and lo! the practical
incandescent lamp was born. The impossible, so
called, had been attained; subdivision of the electric-
light current was made practicable; the goal had
been reached; and one of the greatest inventions of
the century was completed. Up to this time Edison
had spent over $40,000 in his electric-light experiments,
but the results far more than justified the expenditure,
for with this lamp he made the discovery
that the FILAMENT of carbon, under the conditions of
high vacuum, was commercially stable and would
stand high temperatures without the disintegration
and oxidation that took place in all previous attempts
that he knew of for making an incandescent
burner out of carbon. Besides, this lamp possessed
the characteristics of high resistance and small radiating
surface, permitting economy in the outlay for
conductors, and requiring only a small current for
each unit of light--conditions that were absolutely
necessary of fulfilment in order to accomplish commercially
the subdivision of the electric-light current.
This slender, fragile, tenuous thread of brittle carbon,
glowing steadily and continuously with a soft
light agreeable to the eyes, was the tiny key that
opened the door to a world revolutionized in its interior
illumination. It was a triumphant vindication
of Edison's reasoning powers, his clear perceptions,
his insight into possibilities, and his inventive faculty,
all of which had already been productive of so many
startling, practical, and epoch-making inventions.
And now he had stepped over the threshold of a new
art which has since become so world-wide in its application
as to be an integral part of modern human
experience.[9]
[9] The following extract from Walker on Patents (4th edition)
will probably be of interest to the reader:
"Sec. 31a. A meritorious exception, to the rule of the last
section, is involved in the adjudicated validity of the Edison
incandescent-light patent. The carbon filament, which constitutes
the only new part of the combination of the second
claim of that patent, differs from the earlier carbon burners of
Sawyer and Man, only in having a diameter of one-sixty-fourth
of an inch or less, whereas the burners of Sawyer and Man had a
diameter of one-thirty-second of an inch or more. But that reduction
of one-half in diameter increased the resistance of the
burner FOURFOLD, and reduced its radiating surface TWOFOLD, and
thus increased eightfold, its ratio of resistance to radiating surface.
That eightfold increase of proportion enabled the resistance
of the conductor of electricity from the generator to
the burner to be increased eightfold, without any increase of
percentage of loss of energy in that conductor, or decrease of
percentage of development of heat in the burner; and thus enabled
the area of the cross-section of that conductor to be reduced
eightfold, and thus to be made with one-eighth of the amount of
copper or other metal, which would be required if the reduction
of diameter of the burner from one-thirty-second to one-sixty-
fourth of an inch had not been made. And that great reduction
in the size and cost of conductors, involved also a great difference
in the composition of the electric energy employed in the system;
that difference consisting in generating the necessary amount of
electrical energy with comparatively high electromotive force,
and comparatively low current, instead of contrariwise. For this
reason, the use of carbon filaments, one-sixty-fourth of an inch in
diameter or less, instead of carbon burners one-thirty-second of
an inch in diameter or more, not only worked an enormous economy
in conductors, but also necessitated a great change in generators,
and did both according to a philosophy, which Edison
was the first to know, and which is stated in this paragraph in its
simplest form and aspect, and which lies at the foundation of the
incandescent electric lighting of the world."
No sooner had the truth of this new principle been
established than the work to establish it firmly and
commercially was carried on more assiduously than
ever. The next immediate step was a further
investigation of the possibilities of improving the
quality of the carbon filament. Edison had previously
made a vast number of experiments with carbonized
paper for various electrical purposes, with
such good results that he once more turned to it and
now made fine filament-like loops of this material
which were put into other lamps. These proved
even more successful (commercially considered) than
the carbonized thread--so much so that after a number
of such lamps had been made and put through
severe tests, the manufacture of lamps from these
paper carbons was begun and carried on continuously.
This necessitated first the devising and making of a
large number of special tools for cutting the carbon
filaments and for making and putting together the
various parts of the lamps. Meantime, great excitement
had been caused in this country and in Europe
by the announcement of Edison's success. In the
Old World, scientists generally still declared the
impossibility of subdividing the electric-light current,
and in the public press Mr. Edison was denounced as
a dreamer. Other names of a less complimentary
nature were applied to him, even though his lamp
were actually in use, and the principle of commercial
incandescent lighting had been established.
Between October 21, 1879, and December 21, 1879,
some hundreds of these paper-carbon lamps had been
made and put into actual use, not only in the laboratory,
but in the streets and several residences at
Menlo Park, New Jersey, causing great excitement
and bringing many visitors from far and near. On
the latter date a full-page article appeared in the
New York Herald which so intensified the excited
feeling that Mr. Edison deemed it advisable to make
a public exhibition. On New Year's Eve, 1879,
special trains were run to Menlo Park by the Pennsylvania
Railroad, and over three thousand persons
took advantage of the opportunity to go out there
and witness this demonstration for themselves. In
this great crowd were many public officials and men
of prominence in all walks of life, who were enthusiastic
in their praises.
In the mean time, the mind that conceived and
made practical this invention could not rest content
with anything less than perfection, so far as it could
be realized. Edison was not satisfied with paper
carbons. They were not fully up to the ideal that
he had in mind. What he sought was a perfectly
uniform and homogeneous carbon, one like the "One-
Hoss Shay," that had no weak spots to break down
at inopportune times. He began to carbonize everything
in nature that he could lay hands on. In his
laboratory note-books are innumerable jottings of the
things that were carbonized and tried, such as tissue-
paper, soft paper, all kinds of cardboards, drawing-
paper of all grades, paper saturated with tar, all kinds
of threads, fish-line, threads rubbed with tarred lampblack,
fine threads plaited together in strands, cotton
soaked in boiling tar, lamp-wick, twine, tar and
lampblack mixed with a proportion of lime, vulcanized
fibre, celluloid, boxwood, cocoanut hair and
shell, spruce, hickory, baywood, cedar and maple
shavings, rosewood, punk, cork, bagging, flax, and
a host of other things. He also extended his searches
far into the realms of nature in the line of grasses,
plants, canes, and similar products, and in these
experiments at that time and later he carbonized, made
into lamps, and tested no fewer than six thousand
different species of vegetable growths.
The reasons for such prodigious research are not
apparent on the face of the subject, nor is this the
occasion to enter into an explanation, as that alone
would be sufficient to fill a fair-sized book. Suffice it
to say that Edison's omnivorous reading, keen observation,
power of assimilating facts and natural
phenomena, and skill in applying the knowledge thus
attained to whatever was in hand, now came into full
play in determining that the results he desired could
only be obtained in certain directions.
At this time he was investigating everything with
a microscope, and one day in the early part of 1880
he noticed upon a table in the laboratory an ordinary
palm-leaf fan. He picked it up and, looking it
over, observed that it had a binding rim made of
bamboo, cut from the outer edge of the cane; a very
long strip. He examined this, and then gave it to
one of his assistants, telling him to cut it up and get
out of it all the filaments he could, carbonize them,
put them into lamps, and try them. The results of
this trial were exceedingly successful, far better than
with anything else thus far used; indeed, so much so,
that after further experiments and microscopic
examinations Edison was convinced that he was now on
the right track for making a thoroughly stable,
commercial lamp; and shortly afterward he sent a man
to Japan to procure further supplies of bamboo. The
fascinating story of the bamboo hunt will be told
later; but even this bamboo lamp was only one item
of a complete system to be devised--a system that
has since completely revolutionized the art of interior
illumination.
Reference has been made in this chapter to the
preliminary study that Edison brought to bear on
the development of the gas art and industry. This
study was so exhaustive that one can only compare it
to the careful investigation made in advance by any
competent war staff of the elements of strength and
weakness, on both sides, in a possible campaign. A
popular idea of Edison that dies hard, pictures a
breezy, slap-dash, energetic inventor arriving at new
results by luck and intuition, making boastful
assertions and then winning out by mere chance. The
native simplicity of the man, the absence of pose and
ceremony, do much to strengthen this notion; but
the real truth is that while gifted with unusual imagination,
Edison's march to the goal of a new invention
is positively humdrum and monotonous in its
steady progress. No one ever saw Edison in a hurry;
no one ever saw him lazy; and that which he did with
slow, careful scrutiny six months ago, he will be doing
with just as much calm deliberation of research six
months hence--and six years hence if necessary. If,
for instance, he were asked to find the most perfect
pebble on the Atlantic shore of New Jersey, instead
of hunting here, there, and everywhere for the desired
object, we would no doubt find him patiently
screening the entire beach, sifting out the most perfect
stones and eventually, by gradual exclusion,
reaching the long-sought-for pebble; and the mere
fact that in this search years might be taken, would
not lessen his enthusiasm to the slightest extent.
In the "prospectus book" among the series of famous
note-books, all the references and data apply to
gas. The book is numbered 184, falls into the period
now dealt with, and runs along casually with items
spread out over two or three years. All these notes
refer specifically to "Electricity vs. Gas as General
Illuminants," and cover an astounding range of inquiry
and comment. One of the very first notes tells
the whole story: "Object, Edison to effect exact
imitation of all done by gas, so as to replace lighting
by gas by lighting by electricity. To improve the
illumination to such an extent as to meet all requirements
of natural, artificial, and commercial conditions."
A large programme, but fully executed!
The notes, it will be understood, are all in Edison's
handwriting. They go on to observe that "a general
system of distribution is the only possible means of
economical illumination," and they dismiss isolated-
plant lighting as in mills and factories as of so little
importance to the public--"we shall leave the con-
sideration of this out of this book." The shrewd
prophecy is made that gas will be manufactured less
for lighting, as the result of electrical competition,
and more and more for heating, etc., thus enlarging
its market and increasing its income. Comment is
made on kerosene and its cost, and all kinds of general
statistics are jotted down as desirable. Data are
to be obtained on lamp and dynamo efficiency, and
"Another review of the whole thing as worked out
upon pure science principles by Rowland, Young,
Trowbridge; also Rowland on the possibilities and
probabilities of cheaper production by better
manufacture--higher incandescence without decrease of
life of lamps." Notes are also made on meters and
motors. "It doesn't matter if electricity is used for
light or for power"; while small motors, it is observed,
can be used night or day, and small steam-engines are
inconvenient. Again the shrewd comment: "Generally
poorest district for light, best for power, thus
evening up whole city--the effect of this on investment."
It is pointed out that "Previous inventions failed--
necessities for commercial success and accomplishment
by Edison. Edison's great effort--not to make
a large light or a blinding light, but a small light
having the mildness of gas." Curves are then called
for of iron and copper investment--also energy
line--curves of candle-power and electromotive force;
curves on motors; graphic representation of the
consumption of gas January to December; tables and
formulae; representations graphically of what one
dollar will buy in different kinds of light; "table,
weight of copper required different distance, 100-ohm
lamp, 16 candles"; table with curves showing increased
economy by larger engine, higher power, etc.
There is not much that is dilettante about all this.
Note is made of an article in April, 1879, putting the
total amount of gas investment in the whole world
at that time at $1,500,000,000; which is now (1910)
about the amount of the electric-lighting investment
in the United States. Incidentally a note remarks:
"So unpleasant is the effect of the products of gas
that in the new Madison Square Theatre every gas
jet is ventilated by special tubes to carry away the
products of combustion." In short, there is no aspect
of the new problem to which Edison failed to apply
his acutest powers; and the speed with which the
new system was worked out and introduced was
simply due to his initial mastery of all the factors in
the older art. Luther Stieringer, an expert gas engineer
and inventor, whose services were early enlisted,
once said that Edison knew more about gas
than any other man he had ever met. The remark
is an evidence of the kind of preparation Edison gave
himself for his new task.
CHAPTER XII
MEMORIES OF MENLO PARK
FROM the spring of 1876 to 1886 Edison lived and
did his work at Menlo Park; and at this stage
of the narrative, midway in that interesting and
eventful period, it is appropriate to offer a few notes
and jottings on the place itself, around which tradition
is already weaving its fancies, just as at the time
the outpouring of new inventions from it invested
the name with sudden prominence and with the
glamour of romance. "In 1876 I moved," says Edison,
"to Menlo Park, New Jersey, on the Pennsylvania
Railroad, several miles below Elizabeth. The
move was due to trouble I had about rent. I had
rented a small shop in Newark, on the top floor of
a padlock factory, by the month. I gave notice that
I would give it up at the end of the month, paid the
rent, moved out, and delivered the keys. Shortly
afterward I was served with a paper, probably a
judgment, wherein I was to pay nine months' rent.
There was some law, it seems, that made a monthly
renter liable for a year. This seemed so unjust that I
determined to get out of a place that permitted such
injustice." For several Sundays he walked through
different parts of New Jersey with two of his assistants
before he decided on Menlo Park. The change was
a fortunate one, for the inventor had married Miss
Mary E. Stillwell, and was now able to establish himself
comfortably with his wife and family while enjoying
immediate access to the new laboratory. Every
moment thus saved was valuable.
To-day the place and region have gone back to the
insignificance from which Edison's genius lifted them
so startlingly. A glance from the car windows
reveals only a gently rolling landscape dotted with
modest residences and unpretentious barns; and
there is nothing in sight by way of memorial to suggest
that for nearly a decade this spot was the scene
of the most concentrated and fruitful inventive activity
the world has ever known. Close to the Menlo Park
railway station is a group of gaunt and deserted buildings,
shelter of the casual tramp, and slowly crumbling
away when not destroyed by the carelessness of
some ragged smoker. This silent group of buildings
comprises the famous old laboratory and workshops
of Mr. Edison, historic as being the birthplace of the
carbon transmitter, the phonograph, the incandescent
lamp, and the spot where Edison also worked
out his systems of electrical distribution, his
commercial dynamo, his electric railway, his megaphone,
his tasimeter, and many other inventions of greater
or lesser degree. Here he continued, moreover, his
earlier work on the quadruplex, sextuplex, multiplex,
and automatic telegraphs, and did his notable pioneer
work in wireless telegraphy. As the reader knows,
it had been a master passion with Edison from boyhood
up to possess a laboratory, in which with free
use of his own time and powers, and with command
of abundant material resources, he could wrestle with
Nature and probe her closest secrets. Thus, from the
little cellar at Port Huron, from the scant shelves in
a baggage car, from the nooks and corners of dingy
telegraph offices, and the grimy little shops in New
York and Newark, he had now come to the proud
ownership of an establishment to which his favorite
word "laboratory" might justly be applied. Here
he could experiment to his heart's content and invent
on a larger, bolder scale than ever--and he did!
Menlo Park was the merest hamlet. Omitting the
laboratory structures, it had only about seven houses,
the best looking of which Edison lived in, a place that
had a windmill pumping water into a reservoir. One
of the stories of the day was that Edison had his
front gate so connected with the pumping plant that
every visitor as he opened or closed the gate added
involuntarily to the supply in the reservoir. Two or
three of the houses were occupied by the families of
members of the staff; in the others boarders were
taken, the laboratory, of course, furnishing all the
patrons. Near the railway station was a small
saloon kept by an old Scotchman named Davis,
where billiards were played in idle moments, and
where in the long winter evenings the hot stove was
a centre of attraction to loungers and story-tellers.
The truth is that there was very little social life of
any kind possible under the strenuous conditions prevailing
at the laboratory, where, if anywhere, relaxation
was enjoyed at odd intervals of fatigue and waiting.
The main laboratory was a spacious wooden building
of two floors. The office was in this building at
first, until removed to the brick library when that
was finished. There S. L. Griffin, an old telegraph
friend of Edison, acted as his secretary and had charge
of a voluminous and amazing correspondence. The
office employees were the Carman brothers and the
late John F. Randolph, afterwards secretary. According
to Mr. Francis Jehl, of Budapest, then one of the
staff, to whom the writers are indebted for a great
deal of valuable data on this period: "It was on the
upper story of this laboratory that the most important
experiments were executed, and where the incandescent
lamp was born. This floor consisted of a
large hall containing several long tables, upon which
could be found all the various instruments, scientific
and chemical apparatus that the arts at that time
could produce. Books lay promiscuously about,
while here and there long lines of bichromate-of-
potash cells could be seen, together with experimental
models of ideas that Edison or his assistants were
engaged upon. The side walls of this hall were lined
with shelves filled with bottles, phials, and other
receptacles containing every imaginable chemical and
other material that could be obtained, while at the
end of this hall, and near the organ which stood in
the rear, was a large glass case containing the world's
most precious metals in sheet and wire form, together
with very rare and costly chemicals. When evening
came on, and the last rays of the setting sun penetrated
through the side windows, this hall looked like
a veritable Faust laboratory.
"On the ground floor we had our testing-table,
which stood on two large pillars of brick built deep
into the earth in order to get rid of all vibrations on
account of the sensitive instruments that were upon
it. There was the Thomson reflecting mirror galvanometer
and electrometer, while nearby were the
standard cells by which the galvanometers were
adjusted and standardized. This testing-table was
connected by means of wires with all parts of the
laboratory and machine-shop, so that measurements
could be conveniently made from a distance, as in
those days we had no portable and direct-reading
instruments, such as now exist. Opposite this table we
installed, later on, our photometrical chamber, which
was constructed on the Bunsen principle. A little
way from this table, and separated by a partition,
we had the chemical laboratory with its furnaces and
stink-chambers. Later on another chemical laboratory
was installed near the photometer-room, and this
Dr. A. Haid had charge of."
Next to the laboratory in importance was the machine-
shop, a large and well-lighted building of brick,
at one end of which there was the boiler and engine-
room. This shop contained light and heavy lathes,
boring and drilling machines, all kinds of planing
machines; in fact, tools of all descriptions, so that
any apparatus, however delicate or heavy, could be
made and built as might be required by Edison in
experimenting. Mr. John Kruesi had charge of this
shop, and was assisted by a number of skilled mechanics,
notably John Ott, whose deft fingers and
quick intuitive grasp of the master's ideas are still
in demand under the more recent conditions at the
Llewellyn Park laboratory in Orange.
Between the machine-shop and the laboratory was
a small building of wood used as a carpenter-shop,
where Tom Logan plied his art. Nearby was the
gasoline plant. Before the incandescent lamp was
perfected, the only illumination was from gasoline
gas; and that was used later for incandescent-lamp
glass-blowing, which was done in another small building
on one side of the laboratory. Apparently little
or no lighting service was obtained from the Wallace-
Farmer arc lamps secured from Ansonia, Connecticut.
The dynamo was probably needed for Edison's own
experiments.
On the outskirts of the property was a small building
in which lampblack was crudely but carefully
manufactured and pressed into very small cakes, for
use in the Edison carbon transmitters of that time.
The night-watchman, Alfred Swanson, took care of
this curious plant, which consisted of a battery of
petroleum lamps that were forced to burn to the
sooting point. During his rounds in the night Swanson
would find time to collect from the chimneys the
soot that the lamps gave. It was then weighed out
into very small portions, which were pressed into
cakes or buttons by means of a hand-press. These
little cakes were delicately packed away between
layers of cotton in small, light boxes and shipped to
Bergmann in New York, by whom the telephone
transmitters were being made. A little later the Edison
electric railway was built on the confines of the
property out through the woods, at first only a third
of a mile in length, but reaching ultimately to Pumptown,
almost three miles away.
Mr. Edison's own words may be quoted as to the
men with whom he surrounded himself here and
upon whose services he depended principally for help
in the accomplishment of his aims. In an autobiographical
article in the Electrical World of March 5,
1904, he says: "It is interesting to note that in
addition to those mentioned above (Charles Batchelor
and Frank Upton), I had around me other men who
ever since have remained active in the field, such as
Messrs. Francis Jehl, William J. Hammer, Martin
Force, Ludwig K. Boehm, not forgetting that good
friend and co-worker, the late John Kruesi. They
found plenty to do in the various developments of
the art, and as I now look back I sometimes wonder
how we did so much in so short a time." Mr. Jehl
in his reminiscences adds another name to the above
--namely, that of John W. Lawson, and then goes on
to say: "These are the names of the pioneers of
incandescent lighting, who were continuously at the
side of Edison day and night for some years, and who,
under his guidance, worked upon the carbon-filament
lamp from its birth to ripe maturity. These men all
had complete faith in his ability and stood by him
as on a rock, guarding their work with the secretiveness
of a burglar-proof safe. Whenever it leaked out
in the world that Edison was succeeding in his work on
the electric light, spies and others came to the Park;
so it was of the utmost importance that the experiments
and their results should be kept a secret until
Edison had secured the protection of the Patent
Office." With this staff was associated from the first
Mr. E. H. Johnson, whose work with Mr. Edison lay
chiefly, however, outside the laboratory, taking him
to all parts of the country and to Europe. There were
also to be regarded as detached members of it the
Bergmann brothers, manufacturing for Mr. Edison in
New York, and incessantly experimenting for him.
In addition there must be included Mr. Samuel Insull,
whose activities for many years as private secretary
and financial manager were devoted solely to Mr.
Edison's interests, with Menlo Park as a centre and
main source of anxiety as to pay-rolls and other
constantly recurring obligations. The names of yet
other associates occur from time to time in this
narrative--"Edison men" who have been very proud
of their close relationship to the inventor and his
work at old Menlo. "There was also Mr. Charles L.
Clarke, who devoted himself mainly to engineering
matters, and later on acted as chief engineer of the
Edison Electric Light Company for some years.
Then there were William Holzer and James Hipple,
both of whom took an active part in the practical
development of the glass-blowing department of the
laboratory, and, subsequently, at the first Edison
lamp factory at Menlo Park. Later on Messrs. Jehl,
Hipple, and Force assisted Mr. Batchelor to install
the lamp-works of the French Edison Company at
Ivry-sur-Seine. Then there were Messrs. Charles T.
Hughes, Samuel D. Mott, and Charles T. Mott, who
devoted their time chiefly to commercial affairs. Mr.
Hughes conducted most of this work, and later on took
a prominent part in Edison's electric-railway
experiments. His business ability was on a high level,
while his personal character endeared him to us all.
Among other now well-known men who came to us
and assisted in various kinds of work were Messrs.
Acheson, Worth, Crosby, Herrick, and Hill, while
Doctor Haid was placed by Mr. Edison in charge of
a special chemical laboratory. Dr. E. L. Nichols
was also with us for a short time conducting a special
series of experiments. There was also Mr. Isaacs,
who did a great deal of photographic work, and to
whom we must be thankful for the pictures of Menlo
Park in connection with Edison's work.
"Among others who were added to Mr. Kruesi's
staff in the machine-shop were Messrs. J. H. Vail and
W. S. Andrews. Mr. Vail had charge of the dynamo-
room. He had a good general knowledge of machinery,
and very soon acquired such familiarity with the
dynamos that he could skip about among them with
astonishing agility to regulate their brushes or to
throw rosin on the belts when they began to squeal.
Later on he took an active part in the affairs and
installations of the Edison Light Company. Mr.
Andrews stayed on Mr. Kruesi's staff as long as the
laboratory machine-shop was kept open, after which
he went into the employ of the Edison Electric Light
Company and became actively engaged in the commercial
and technical exploitation of the system.
Another man who was with us at Menlo Park was Mr.
Herman Claudius, an Austrian, who at one time was
employed in connection with the State Telegraphs of
his country. To him Mr. Edison assigned the task
of making a complete model of the network of
conductors for the contemplated first station in New
York."
Mr. Francis R. Upton, who was early employed by
Mr. Edison as his mathematician, furnishes a pleasant,
vivid picture of his chief associates engaged on
the memorable work at Menlo Park. He says: "Mr.
Charles Batchelor was Mr. Edison's principal assistant
at that time. He was an Englishman, and came
to this country to set up the thread-weaving machinery
for the Clark thread-works. He was a most
intelligent, patient, competent, and loyal assistant to
Mr. Edison. I remember distinctly seeing him work
many hours to mount a small filament; and his hand
would be as steady and his patience as unyielding at
the end of those many hours as it was at the beginning,
in spite of repeated failures. He was a wonderful
mechanic; the control that he had of his fingers
was marvellous, and his eyesight was sharp. Mr.
Batchelor's judgment and good sense were always
in evidence.
"Mr. Kruesi was the superintendent, a Swiss trained
in the best Swiss ideas of accuracy. He was a splendid
mechanic with a vigorous temper, and wonderful
ability to work continuously and to get work out of
men. It was an ideal combination, that of Edison,
Batchelor, and Kruesi. Mr. Edison with his wonderful
flow of ideas which were sharply defined in his
mind, as can be seen by any of the sketches that he
made, as he evidently always thinks in three dimensions;
Mr. Kruesi, willing to take the ideas, and
capable of comprehending them, would distribute
the work so as to get it done with marvellous quickness
and great accuracy. Mr. Batchelor was always
ready for any special fine experimenting or observa-
tion, and could hold to whatever he was at as long
as Mr. Edison wished; and always brought to bear
on what he was at the greatest skill."
While Edison depended upon Upton for his mathematical
work, he was wont to check it up in a very
practical manner, as evidenced by the following incident
described by Mr. Jehl: "I was once with Mr.
Upton calculating some tables which he had put me
on, when Mr. Edison appeared with a glass bulb
having a pear-shaped appearance in his hand. It was
the kind that we were going to use for our lamp
experiments; and Mr. Edison asked Mr. Upton to
please calculate for him its cubic contents in centimetres.
Now Mr. Upton was a very able mathematician,
who, after he finished his studies at Princeton,
went to Germany and got his final gloss under
that great master, Helmholtz. Whatever he did and
worked on was executed in a pure mathematical
manner, and any wrangler at Oxford would have been
delighted to see him juggle with integral and differential
equations, with a dexterity that was surprising.
He drew the shape of the bulb exactly on paper,
and got the equation of its lines with which he was
going to calculate its contents, when Mr. Edison again
appeared and asked him what it was. He showed
Edison the work he had already done on the subject,
and told him that he would very soon finish calculating
it. `Why,' said Edison, `I would simply take
that bulb and fill it with mercury and weigh it; and
from the weight of the mercury and its specific gravity
I'll get it in five minutes, and use less mental energy
than is necessary in such a fatiguing operation.' "
Menlo Park became ultimately the centre of Edison's
business life as it was of his inventing. After
the short distasteful period during the introduction
of his lighting system, when he spent a large part of
his time at the offices at 65 Fifth Avenue, New York,
or on the actual work connected with the New York
Edison installation, he settled back again in Menlo
Park altogether. Mr. Samuel Insull describes the
business methods which prevailed throughout the
earlier Menlo Park days of "storm and stress," and
the curious conditions with which he had to deal as
private secretary: "I never attempted to systematize
Edison's business life. Edison's whole method
of work would upset the system of any office. He
was just as likely to be at work in his laboratory at
midnight as midday. He cared not for the hours of
the day or the days of the week. If he was exhausted
he might more likely be asleep in the middle of the
day than in the middle of the night, as most of his
work in the way of inventions was done at night. I
used to run his office on as close business methods as
my experience admitted; and I would get at him
whenever it suited his convenience. Sometimes he
would not go over his mail for days at a time; but
other times he would go regularly to his office in the
morning. At other times my engagements used to
be with him to go over his business affairs at Menlo
Park at night, if I was occupied in New York during
the day. In fact, as a matter of convenience I used
more often to get at him at night, as it left my days
free to transact his affairs, and enabled me, probably
at a midnight luncheon, to get a few minutes of his
time to look over his correspondence and get his
directions as to what I should do in some particular
negotiation or matter of finance. While it was a
matter of suiting Edison's convenience as to when I
should transact business with him, it also suited my
own ideas, as it enabled me after getting through my
business with him to enjoy the privilege of watching
him at his work, and to learn something about the
technical side of matters. Whatever knowledge I
may have of the electric light and power industry I
feel I owe it to the tuition of Edison. He was about
the most willing tutor, and I must confess that he
had to be a patient one."
Here again occurs the reference to the incessant
night-work at Menlo Park, a note that is struck in
every reminiscence and in every record of the time.
But it is not to be inferred that the atmosphere of
grim determination and persistent pursuit of the new
invention characteristic of this period made life a
burden to the small family of laborers associated with
Edison. Many a time during the long, weary nights
of experimenting Edison would call a halt for
refreshments, which he had ordered always to be sent
in when night-work was in progress. Everything
would be dropped, all present would join in the meal,
and the last good story or joke would pass around.
In his notes Mr. Jehl says: "Our lunch always ended
with a cigar, and I may mention here that although
Edison was never fastidious in eating, he always
relished a good cigar, and seemed to find in it
consolation and solace.... It often happened that while
we were enjoying the cigars after our midnight re-
past, one of the boys would start up a tune on the
organ and we would all sing together, or one of the
others would give a solo. Another of the boys had
a voice that sounded like something between the ring
of an old tomato can and a pewter jug. He had one
song that he would sing while we roared with laughter.
He was also great in imitating the tin-foil
phonograph.... When Boehm was in good-humor he would
play his zither now and then, and amuse us by singing
pretty German songs. On many of these occasions
the laboratory was the rendezvous of jolly and
convivial visitors, mostly old friends and acquaintances
of Mr. Edison. Some of the office employees
would also drop in once in a while, and as everybody
present was always welcome to partake of the midnight
meal, we all enjoyed these gatherings. After
a while, when we were ready to resume work, our
visitors would intimate that they were going home
to bed, but we fellows could stay up and work, and
they would depart, generally singing some song like
Good-night, ladies! . . . It often happened that when
Edison had been working up to three or four o'clock
in the morning, he would lie down on one of the
laboratory tables, and with nothing but a couple of
books for a pillow, would fall into a sound sleep.
He said it did him more good than being in a soft
bed, which spoils a man. Some of the laboratory
assistants could be seen now and then sleeping on a
table in the early morning hours. If their snoring
became objectionable to those still at work, the
`calmer' was applied. This machine consisted of a
Babbitt's soap box without a cover. Upon it was
mounted a broad ratchet-wheel with a crank, while
into the teeth of the wheel there played a stout,
elastic slab of wood. The box would be placed on
the table where the snorer was sleeping and the crank
turned rapidly. The racket thus produced was something
terrible, and the sleeper would jump up as
though a typhoon had struck the laboratory. The
irrepressible spirit of humor in the old days, although
somewhat strenuous at times, caused many a moment
of hilarity which seemed to refresh the boys, and
enabled them to work with renewed vigor after its
manifestation." Mr. Upton remarks that often during
the period of the invention of the incandescent
lamp, when under great strain and fatigue, Edison
would go to the organ and play tunes in a primitive
way, and come back to crack jokes with the staff.
"But I have often felt that Mr. Edison never could
comprehend the limitations of the strength of other
men, as his own physical and mental strength have
always seemed to be without limit. He could work
continuously as long as he wished, and had sleep at
his command. His sleep was always instant, profound,
and restful. He has told me that he never
dreamed. I have known Mr. Edison now for thirty-one
years, and feel that he has always kept his mind direct
and simple, going straight to the root of troubles.
One of the peculiarities I have noticed is that I have
never known him to break into a conversation going
on around him, and ask what people were talking
about. The nearest he would ever come to it was
when there had evidently been some story told, and
his face would express a desire to join in the laugh,
which would immediately invite telling the story to
him."
Next to those who worked with Edison at the laboratory
and were with him constantly at Menlo Park
were the visitors, some of whom were his business
associates, some of them scientific men, and some of
them hero-worshippers and curiosity-hunters. Foremost
in the first category was Mr. E. H. Johnson,
who was in reality Edison's most intimate friend, and
was required for constant consultation; but whose
intense activity, remarkable grasp of electrical
principles, and unusual powers of exposition, led to his
frequent detachment for long trips, including those
which resulted in the introduction of the telephone,
phonograph, and electric light in England and on
the Continent. A less frequent visitor was Mr. S.
Bergmann, who had all he needed to occupy his time
in experimenting and manufacturing, and whose
contemporaneous Wooster Street letter-heads advertised
Edison's inventions as being made there, Among
the scientists were Prof. George F. Barker, of Philadelphia,
a big, good-natured philosopher, whose valuable
advice Edison esteemed highly. In sharp contrast
to him was the earnest, serious Rowland, of
Johns Hopkins University, afterward the leading
American physicist of his day. Profs. C. F. Brackett
and C. F. Young, of Princeton University, were often
received, always interested in what Edison was doing,
and proud that one of their own students, Mr. Upton,
was taking such a prominent part in the development
of the work.
Soon after the success of the lighting experiments
and the installation at Menlo Park became known,
Edison was besieged by persons from all parts of the
world anxious to secure rights and concessions for
their respective countries. Among these was Mr.
Louis Rau, of Paris, who organized the French Edison
Company, the pioneer Edison lighting corporation
in Europe, and who, with the aid of Mr. Batchelor,
established lamp-works and a machine-shop at Ivry
sur-Seine, near Paris, in 1882. It was there that Mr.
Nikola Tesla made his entree into the field of light
and power, and began his own career as an inventor;
and there also Mr. Etienne Fodor, general manager
of the Hungarian General Electric Company at Budapest,
received his early training. It was he who
erected at Athens the first European Edison station
on the now universal three-wire system. Another
visitor from Europe, a little later, was Mr. Emil
Rathenau, the present director of the great
Allgemeine Elektricitaets Gesellschaft of Germany. He
secured the rights for the empire, and organized the
Berlin Edison system, now one of the largest in the
world. Through his extraordinary energy and enterprise
the business made enormous strides, and Mr.
Rathenau has become one of the most conspicuous
industrial figures in his native country. From Italy
came Professor Colombo, later a cabinet minister,
with his friend Signor Buzzi, of Milan. The rights
were secured for the peninsula; Colombo and his
friends organized the Italian Edison Company, and
erected at Milan the first central station in that
country. Mr. John W. Lieb, Jr., now a vice-president
of the New York Edison Company, was sent
over by Mr. Edison to steer the enterprise technically,
and spent ten years in building it up, with such brilliant
success that he was later decorated as Commander
of the Order of the Crown of Italy by King
Victor. Another young American enlisted into European
service was Mr. E. G. Acheson, the inventor of
carborundum, who built a number of plants in Italy
and France before he returned home. Mr. Lieb has
since become President of the American Institute of
Electrical Engineers and the Association of Edison
Illuminating Companies, while Doctor Acheson has
been President of the American Electrochemical
Society.
Switzerland sent Messrs. Turrettini, Biedermann,
and Thury, all distinguished engineers, to negotiate
for rights in the republic; and so it went with regard
to all the other countries of Europe, as well as those
of South America. It was a question of keeping such
visitors away rather than of inviting them to take
up the exploitation of the Edison system; for what
time was not spent in personal interviews was required
for the masses of letters from every country
under the sun, all making inquiries, offering suggestions,
proposing terms. Nor were the visitors merely
those on business bent. There were the lion-hunters
and celebrities, of whom Sarah Bernhardt may serve
as a type. One visit of note was that paid by Lieut.
G. W. De Long, who had an earnest and protracted
conversation with Edison over the Arctic expedition he
was undertaking with the aid of Mr. James Gordon
Bennett, of the New York Herald. The Jeannette was
being fitted out, and Edison told De Long that he
would make and present him with a small dynamo
machine, some incandescent lamps, and an arc lamp.
While the little dynamo was being built all the men
in the laboratory wrote their names on the paper
insulation that was wound upon the iron core of the
armature. As the Jeannette had no steam-engine on
board that could be used for the purpose, Edison
designed the dynamo so that it could be worked by
man power and told Lieutenant De Long "it would
keep the boys warm up in the Arctic," when they
generated current with it. The ill-fated ship never
returned from her voyage, but went down in the icy
waters of the North, there to remain until some
future cataclysm of nature, ten thousand years
hence, shall reveal the ship and the first marine
dynamo as curious relics of a remote civilization.
Edison also furnished De Long with a set of telephones
provided with extensible circuits, so that
parties on the ice-floes could go long distances from
the ship and still keep in communication with her.
So far as the writers can ascertain this is the first
example of "field telephony." Another nautical experiment
that he made at this time, suggested probably
by the requirements of the Arctic expedition,
was a buoy that was floated in New York harbor,
and which contained a small Edison dynamo and two
or three incandescent lamps. The dynamo was
driven by the wave or tide motion through intermediate
mechanism, and thus the lamps were lit up
from time to time, serving as signals. These were the
prototypes of the lighted buoys which have since
become familiar, as in the channel off Sandy Hook.
One notable afternoon was that on which the
New York board of aldermen took a special train out
to Menlo Park to see the lighting system with its
conductors underground in operation. The Edison Electric
Illuminating Company was applying for a franchise,
and the aldermen, for lack of scientific training and
specific practical information, were very sceptical on
the subject--as indeed they might well be. "Mr.
Edison demonstrated personally the details and
merits of the system to them. The voltage was increased
to a higher pressure than usual, and all the
incandescent lamps at Menlo Park did their best to
win the approbation of the New York City fathers.
After Edison had finished exhibiting all the good
points of his system, he conducted his guests upstairs
in the laboratory, where a long table was
spread with the best things that one of the most
prominent New York caterers could furnish. The
laboratory witnessed high times that night, for all
were in the best of humor, and many a bottle was
drained in toasting the health of Edison and the
aldermen." This was one of the extremely rare
occasions on which Edison has addressed an audience;
but the stake was worth the effort. The representatives
of New York could with justice drink the health
of the young inventor, whose system is one of the
greatest boons the city has ever had conferred upon it.
Among other frequent visitors was Mr, Edison's
father, "one of those amiable, patriarchal characters
with a Horace Greeley beard, typical Americans of
the old school," who would sometimes come into the
laboratory with his two grandchildren, a little boy
and girl called "Dash" and "Dot." He preferred
to sit and watch his brilliant son at work "with an
expression of satisfaction on his face that indicated
a sense of happiness and content that his boy, born
in that distant, humble home in Ohio, had risen to
fame and brought such honor upon the name. It
was, indeed, a pathetic sight to see a father venerate
his son as the elder Edison did." Not less at home
was Mr. Mackenzie, the Mt. Clemens station agent,
the life of whose child Edison had saved when a train
newsboy. The old Scotchman was one of the innocent,
chartered libertines of the place, with an unlimited
stock of good jokes and stories, but seldom
of any practical use. On one occasion, however, when
everything possible and impossible under the sun was
being carbonized for lamp filaments, he allowed a
handful of his bushy red beard to be taken for the
purpose; and his laugh was the loudest when the
Edison-Mackenzie hair lamps were brought up to
incandescence--their richness in red rays being slyly
attributed to the nature of the filamentary material!
Oddly enough, a few years later, some inventor
actually took out a patent for making incandescent
lamps with carbonized hair for filaments!
Yet other visitors again haunted the place, and
with the following reminiscence of one of them, from
Mr. Edison himself, this part of the chapter must
close: "At Menlo Park one cold winter night there
came into the laboratory a strange man in a most
pitiful condition. He was nearly frozen, and he asked
if he might sit by the stove. In a few moments he
asked for the head man, and I was brought forward.
He had a head of abnormal size, with highly intellectual
features and a very small and emaciated body.
He said he was suffering very much, and asked if I
had any morphine. As I had about everything in
chemistry that could be bought, I told him I had.
He requested that I give him some, so I got the
morphine sulphate. He poured out enough to kill
two men, when I told him that we didn't keep a hotel
for suicides, and he had better cut the quantity down.
He then bared his legs and arms, and they were literally
pitted with scars, due to the use of hypodermic
syringes. He said he had taken it for years, and it
required a big dose to have any effect. I let him go
ahead. In a short while he seemed like another man
and began to tell stories, and there were about fifty
of us who sat around listening until morning. He
was a man of great intelligence and education. He
said he was a Jew, but there was no distinctive feature
to verify this assertion. He continued to stay around
until he finished every combination of morphine with
an acid that I had, probably ten ounces all told.
Then he asked if he could have strychnine. I had
an ounce of the sulphate. He took enough to kill a
horse, and asserted it had as good an effect as
morphine. When this was gone, the only thing I had
left was a chunk of crude opium, perhaps two or
three pounds. He chewed this up and disappeared.
I was greatly disappointed, because I would have
laid in another stock of morphine to keep him at the
laboratory. About a week afterward he was found
dead in a barn at Perth Amboy."
Returning to the work itself, note of which has al-
ready been made in this and preceding chapters, we
find an interesting and unique reminiscence in Mr.
Jehl's notes of the reversion to carbon as a filament
in the lamps, following an exhibition of metallic-
filament lamps given in the spring of 1879 to the men
in the syndicate advancing the funds for these
experiments: "They came to Menlo Park on a late
afternoon train from New York. It was already
dark when they were conducted into the machine-
shop, where we had several platinum lamps installed
in series. When Edison had finished explaining the
principles and details of the lamp, he asked Kruesi to
let the dynamo machine run. It was of the Gramme
type, as our first dynamo of the Edison design was
not yet finished. Edison then ordered the `juice'
to be turned on slowly. To-day I can see those lamps
rising to a cherry red, like glowbugs, and hear Mr.
Edison saying `a little more juice,' and the lamps
began to glow. `A little more' is the command
again, and then one of the lamps emits for an instant
a light like a star in the distance, after which there is
an eruption and a puff; and the machine-shop is in
total darkness. We knew instantly which lamp had
failed, and Batchelor replaced that by a good one,
having a few in reserve near by. The operation was
repeated two or three times with about the same
results, after which the party went into the library
until it was time to catch the train for New York."
Such an exhibition was decidedly discouraging,
and it was not a jubilant party that returned to New
York, but: "That night Edison remained in the
laboratory meditating upon the results that the
platinum lamp had given so far. I was engaged reading
a book near a table in the front, while Edison was
seated in a chair by a table near the organ. With
his head turned downward, and that conspicuous
lock of hair hanging loosely on one side, he looked
like Napoleon in the celebrated picture, On the Eve
of a Great Battle. Those days were heroic ones, for
he then battled against mighty odds, and the prospects
were dim and not very encouraging. In cases
of emergency Edison always possessed a keen faculty
of deciding immediately and correctly what to do;
and the decision he then arrived at was predestined
to be the turning-point that led him on to ultimate
success.... After that exhibition we had a house-
cleaning at the laboratory, and the metallic-filament
lamps were stored away, while preparations were
made for our experiments on carbon lamps."
Thus the work went on. Menlo Park has hitherto
been associated in the public thought with the
telephone, phonograph, and incandescent lamp; but it
was there, equally, that the Edison dynamo and
system of distribution were created and applied to
their specific purposes. While all this study of a
possible lamp was going on, Mr. Upton was busy
calculating the economy of the "multiple arc" system,
and making a great many tables to determine what
resistance a lamp should have for the best results,
and at what point the proposed general system would
fall off in economy when the lamps were of the lower
resistance that was then generally assumed to be
necessary. The world at that time had not the
shadow of an idea as to what the principles of a
multiple arc system should be, enabling millions of
lamps to be lighted off distributing circuits, each
lamp independent of every other; but at Menlo Park
at that remote period in the seventies Mr. Edison's
mathematician was formulating the inventor's
conception in clear, instructive figures; "and the work
then executed has held its own ever since." From
the beginning of his experiments on electric light,
Mr. Edison had a well-defined idea of producing not
only a practicable lamp, but also a SYSTEM of
commercial electric lighting. Such a scheme involved the
creation of an entirely new art, for there was nothing
on the face of the earth from which to draw assistance
or precedent, unless we except the elementary forms
of dynamos then in existence. It is true, there were
several types of machines in use for the then very
limited field of arc lighting, but they were regarded
as valueless as a part of a great comprehensive scheme
which could supply everybody with light. Such
machines were confessedly inefficient, although
representing the farthest reach of a young art. A
commission appointed at that time by the Franklin
Institute, and including Prof. Elihu Thomson,
investigated the merits of existing dynamos and
reported as to the best of them: "The Gramme machine
is the most economical as a means of converting
motive force into electricity; it utilizes in the arc
from 38 to 41 per cent. of the motive work produced,
after deduction is made for friction and the resistance
of the air." They reported also that the Brush arc
lighting machine "produces in the luminous arc useful
work equivalent to 31 per cent. of the motive
power employed, or to 38 1/2 per cent. after the friction
has been deducted." Commercial possibilities could
not exist in the face of such low economy as this, and
Mr. Edison realized that he would have to improve
the dynamo himself if he wanted a better machine.
The scientific world at that time was engaged in a
controversy regarding the external and internal resistance
of a circuit in which a generator was situated.
Discussing the subject Mr. Jehl, in his biographical
notes, says: "While this controversy raged in the
scientific papers, and criticism and confusion seemed
at its height, Edison and Upton discussed this question
very thoroughly, and Edison declared he did
not intend to build up a system of distribution in
which the external resistance would be equal to the
internal resistance. He said he was just about going
to do the opposite; he wanted a large external
resistance and a low internal one. He said he wanted
to sell the energy outside of the station and not waste
it in the dynamo and conductors, where it brought
no profits.... In these later days, when these ideas
of Edison are used as common property, and are applied
in every modern system of distribution, it is
astonishing to remember that when they were
propounded they met with most vehement antagonism
from the world at large." Edison, familiar with batteries
in telegraphy, could not bring himself to believe
that any substitute generator of electrical energy
could be efficient that used up half its own possible
output before doing an equal amount of outside
work.
Undaunted by the dicta of contemporaneous
science, Mr. Edison attacked the dynamo problem
with his accustomed vigor and thoroughness. He
chose the drum form for his armature, and experimented
with different kinds of iron. Cores were made
of cast iron, others of forged iron; and still others of
sheets of iron of various thicknesses separated from
each other by paper or paint. These cores were then
allowed to run in an excited field, and after a given
time their temperature was measured and noted.
By such practical methods Edison found that the
thin, laminated cores of sheet iron gave the least
heat, and had the least amount of wasteful eddy
currents. His experiments and ideas on magnetism
at that period were far in advance of the time. His
work and tests regarding magnetism were repeated
later on by Hopkinson and Kapp, who then elucidated
the whole theory mathematically by means of
formulae and constants. Before this, however, Edison
had attained these results by pioneer work, founded
on his original reasoning, and utilized them in the
construction of his dynamo, thus revolutionizing the
art of building such machines.
After thorough investigation of the magnetic qualities
of different kinds of iron, Edison began to make
a study of winding the cores, first determining the
electromotive force generated per turn of wire at
various speeds in fields of different intensities. He
also considered various forms and shapes for the armature,
and by methodical and systematic research obtained
the data and best conditions upon which he
could build his generator. In the field magnets of
his dynamo he constructed the cores and yoke of
forged iron having a very large cross-section, which
was a new thing in those days. Great attention was
also paid to all the joints, which were smoothed down
so as to make a perfect magnetic contact. The Edison
dynamo, with its large masses of iron, was a vivid
contrast to the then existing types with their meagre
quantities of the ferric element. Edison also made
tests on his field magnets by slowly raising the strength
of the exciting current, so that he obtained figures
similar to those shown by a magnetic curve, and in
this way found where saturation commenced, and
where it was useless to expend more current on the
field. If he had asked Upton at the time to formulate
the results of his work in this direction, for publication,
he would have anticipated the historic work
on magnetism that was executed by the two other
investigators; Hopkinson and Kapp, later on.
The laboratory note-books of the period bear
abundant evidence of the systematic and searching
nature of these experiments and investigations, in the
hundreds of pages of notes, sketches, calculations,
and tables made at the time by Edison, Upton,
Batchelor, Jehl, and by others who from time to time
were intrusted with special experiments to elucidate
some particular point. Mr. Jehl says: "The experiments
on armature-winding were also very interesting.
Edison had a number of small wooden cores
made, at both ends of which we inserted little brass
nails, and we wound the wooden cores with twine as if
it were wire on an armature. In this way we studied
armature-winding, and had matches where each of us
had a core, while bets were made as to who would be
the first to finish properly and correctly a certain
kind of winding. Care had to be taken that the
wound core corresponded to the direction of the current,
supposing it were placed in a field and revolved.
After Edison had decided this question, Upton made
drawings and tables from which the real armatures
were wound and connected to the commutator. To
a student of to-day all this seems simple, but in those
days the art of constructing dynamos was about as
dark as air navigation is at present.... Edison also
improved the armature by dividing it and the commutator
into a far greater number of sections than
up to that time had been the practice. He was also
the first to use mica in insulating the commutator
sections from each other."
In the mean time, during the progress of the
investigations on the dynamo, word had gone out to
the world that Edison expected to invent a generator
of greater efficiency than any that existed at the
time. Again he was assailed and ridiculed by the
technical press, for had not the foremost electricians
and physicists of Europe and America worked for
years on the production of dynamos and arc lamps
as they then existed? Even though this young man
at Menlo Park had done some wonderful things for
telegraphy and telephony; even if he had recorded
and reproduced human speech, he had his limitations,
and could not upset the settled dictum of science
that the internal resistance must equal the external
resistance.
Such was the trend of public opinion at the time,
but "after Mr. Kruesi had finished the first practical
dynamo, and after Mr. Upton had tested it thoroughly
and verified his figures and results several times--
for he also was surprised--Edison was able to tell
the world that he had made a generator giving an
efficiency of 90 per cent." Ninety per cent. as against
40 per cent. was a mighty hit, and the world would
not believe it. Criticism and argument were again at
their height, while Upton, as Edison's duellist, was
kept busy replying to private and public challenges
of the fact.... "The tremendous progress of the world
in the last quarter of a century, owing to the revolution
caused by the all-conquering march of `Heavy
Current Engineering,' is the outcome of Edison's work
at Menlo Park that raised the efficiency of the dynamo
from 40 per cent. to 90 per cent."
Mr. Upton sums it all up very precisely in his remarks
upon this period: "What has now been made
clear by accurate nomenclature was then very foggy
in the text-books. Mr. Edison had completely
grasped the effect of subdivision of circuits, and the
influence of wires leading to such subdivisions, when
it was most difficult to express what he knew in
technical language. I remember distinctly when Mr.
Edison gave me the problem of placing a motor in
circuit in multiple arc with a fixed resistance; and I
had to work out the problem entirely, as I could find
no prior solution. There was nothing I could find
bearing upon the counter electromotive force of the
armature, and the effect of the resistance of the
armature on the work given out by the armature.
It was a wonderful experience to have problems given
me out of the intuitions of a great mind, based on
enormous experience in practical work, and applying
to new lines of progress. One of the main impressions
left upon me after knowing Mr. Edison for many
years is the marvellous accuracy of his guesses. He
will see the general nature of a result long before it
can be reached by mathematical calculation. His
greatness was always to be clearly seen when difficulties
arose. They always made him cheerful, and
started him thinking; and very soon would come a
line of suggestions which would not end until the
difficulty was met and overcome, or found
insurmountable. I have often felt that Mr. Edison got
himself purposely into trouble by premature publications
and otherwise, so that he would have a full
incentive to get himself out of the trouble."
This chapter may well end with a statement from
Mr. Jehl, shrewd and observant, as a participator in
all the early work of the development of the Edison
lighting system: "Those who were gathered around
him in the old Menlo Park laboratory enjoyed his
confidence, and he theirs. Nor was this confidence
ever abused. He was respected with a respect which
only great men can obtain, and he never showed by
any word or act that he was their employer in a sense
that would hurt the feelings, as is often the case in
the ordinary course of business life. He conversed,
argued, and disputed with us all as if he were a colleague
on the same footing. It was his winning ways
and manners that attached us all so loyally to his
side, and made us ever ready with a boundless devotion
to execute any request or desire." Thus does
a great magnet, run through a heap of sand and
filings, exert its lines of force and attract irresistibly
to itself the iron and steel particles that are its
affinity, and having sifted them out, leaving the useless
dust behind, hold them to itself with responsive
tenacity.
CHAPTER XIII
A WORLD-HUNT FOR FILAMENT MATERIAL
IN writing about the old experimenting days at
Menlo Park, Mr. F. R. Upton says: "Edison's day
is twenty-four hours long, for he has always worked
whenever there was anything to do, whether day or
night, and carried a force of night workers, so that
his experiments could go on continually. If he wanted
material, he always made it a principle to have it at
once, and never hesitated to use special messengers
to get it. I remember in the early days of the electric
light he wanted a mercury pump for exhausting the
lamps. He sent me to Princeton to get it. I got
back to Metuchen late in the day, and had to carry
the pump over to the laboratory on my back that
evening, set it up, and work all night and the next
day getting results."
This characteristic principle of obtaining desired
material in the quickest and most positive way manifested
itself in the search that Edison instituted for
the best kind of bamboo for lamp filaments, immediately
after the discovery related in a preceding
chapter. It is doubtful whether, in the annals of
scientific research and experiment, there is anything
quite analogous to the story of this search and the
various expeditions that went out from the Edison
laboratory in 1880 and subsequent years, to scour
the earth for a material so apparently simple as a
homogeneous strip of bamboo, or other similar fibre.
Prolonged and exhaustive experiment, microscopic
examination, and an intimate knowledge of the
nature of wood and plant fibres, however, had led
Edison to the conclusion that bamboo or similar
fibrous filaments were more suitable than anything
else then known for commercial incandescent lamps,
and he wanted the most perfect for that purpose.
Hence, the quickest way was to search the tropics
until the proper material was found.
The first emissary chosen for this purpose was the
late William H. Moore, of Rahway, New Jersey, who
left New York in the summer of 1880, bound for
China and Japan, these being the countries pre-
eminently noted for the production of abundant
species of bamboo. On arrival in the East he quickly
left the cities behind and proceeded into the interior,
extending his search far into the more remote country
districts, collecting specimens on his way, and
devoting much time to the study of the bamboo, and
in roughly testing the relative value of its fibre in
canes of one, two, three, four, and five year growths.
Great bales of samples were sent to Edison, and after
careful tests a certain variety and growth of Japanese
bamboo was determined to be the most satisfactory
material for filaments that had been found. Mr.
Moore, who was continuing his searches in that
country, was instructed to arrange for the cultivation
and shipment of regular supplies of this particular
species. Arrangements to this end were accordingly
made with a Japanese farmer, who began to make
immediate shipments, and who subsequently displayed
so much ingenuity in fertilizing and cross-
fertilizing that the homogeneity of the product was
constantly improved. The use of this bamboo for
Edison lamp filaments was continued for many years.
Although Mr. Moore did not meet with the exciting
adventures of some subsequent explorers, he encountered
numerous difficulties and novel experiences
in his many months of travel through the hinterland
of Japan and China. The attitude toward foreigners
thirty years ago was not as friendly as it has
since become, but Edison, as usual, had made a
happy choice of messengers, as Mr. Moore's good
nature and diplomacy attested. These qualities,
together with his persistence and perseverance and
faculty of intelligent discrimination in the matter
of fibres, helped to make his mission successful, and
gave to him the honor of being the one who found
the bamboo which was adopted for use as filaments
in commercial Edison lamps.
Although Edison had satisfied himself that bamboo
furnished the most desirable material thus far
discovered for incandescent-lamp filaments, he felt
that in some part of the world there might be found
a natural product of the same general character that
would furnish a still more perfect and homogeneous
material. In his study of this subject, and during the
prosecution of vigorous and searching inquiries in
various directions, he learned that Mr. John C.
Brauner, then residing in Brooklyn, New York, had
an expert knowledge of indigenous plants of the
particular kind desired. During the course of a geological
survey which he had made for the Brazilian
Government, Mr. Brauner had examined closely the
various species of palms which grow plentifully in
that country, and of them there was one whose fibres
he thought would be just what Edison wanted.
Accordingly, Mr. Brauner was sent for and dispatched
to Brazil in December, 1880, to search for
and send samples of this and such other palms, fibres,
grasses, and canes as, in his judgment, would be suitable
for the experiments then being carried on at
Menlo Park. Landing at Para, he crossed over into
the Amazonian province, and thence proceeded
through the heart of the country, making his way by
canoe on the rivers and their tributaries, and by foot
into the forests and marshes of a vast and almost
untrodden wilderness. In this manner Mr. Brauner
traversed about two thousand miles of the comparatively
unknown interior of Southern Brazil, and procured
a large variety of fibrous specimens, which he
shipped to Edison a few months later. When these
fibres arrived in the United States they were carefully
tested and a few of them found suitable but not
superior to the Japanese bamboo, which was then
being exclusively used in the manufacture of commercial
Edison lamps.
Later on Edison sent out an expedition to explore
the wilds of Cuba and Jamaica. A two months'
investigation of the latter island revealed a variety
of bamboo growths, of which a great number of specimens
were obtained and shipped to Menlo Park; but
on careful test they were found inferior to the Jap-
anese bamboo, and hence rejected. The exploration
of the glades and swamps of Florida by three men
extended over a period of five months in a minute
search for fibrous woods of the palmetto species. A
great variety was found, and over five hundred boxes
of specimens were shipped to the laboratory from
time to time, but none of them tested out with entirely
satisfactory results.
The use of Japanese bamboo for carbon filaments
was therefore continued in the manufacture of lamps,
although an incessant search was maintained for a
still more perfect material. The spirit of progress,
so pervasive in Edison's character, led him, however,
to renew his investigations further afield by sending
out two other men to examine the bamboo and
similar growths of those parts of South America not
covered by Mr. Brauner. These two men were Frank
McGowan and C. F. Hanington, both of whom had
been for nearly seven years in the employ of the
Edison Electric Light Company in New York. The
former was a stocky, rugged Irishman, possessing the
native shrewdness and buoyancy of his race, coupled
with undaunted courage and determination; and the
latter was a veteran of the Civil War, with some
knowledge of forest and field, acquired as a sportsman.
They left New York in September, 1887, arriving
in due time at Para, proceeding thence twenty-
three hundred miles up the Amazon River to Iquitos.
Nothing of an eventful nature occurred during this
trip, but on arrival at Iquitos the two men separated;
Mr. McGowan to explore on foot and by canoe in
Peru, Ecuador, and Colombia, while Mr. Hanington
returned by the Amazon River to Para. Thence
Hanington went by steamer to Montevideo, and by
similar conveyance up the River de la Plata and
through Uruguay, Argentine, and Paraguay to the
southernmost part of Brazil, collecting a large number
of specimens of palms and grasses.
The adventures of Mr. McGowan, after leaving
Iquitos, would fill a book if related in detail. The
object of the present narrative and the space at the
authors' disposal, however, do not permit of more
than a brief mention of his experiences. His first
objective point was Quito, about five hundred miles
away, which he proposed to reach on foot and by
means of canoeing on the Napo River through a wild
and comparatively unknown country teeming with
tribes of hostile natives. The dangers of the expedition
were pictured to him in glowing colors, but spurning
prophecies of dire disaster, he engaged some native
Indians and a canoe and started on his explorations,
reaching Quito in eighty-seven days, after a
thorough search of the country on both sides of the
Napo River. From Quito he went to Guayaquil,
from there by steamer to Buenaventura, and thence
by rail, twelve miles, to Cordova. From this point
he set out on foot to explore the Cauca Valley and
the Cordilleras.
Mr. McGowan found in these regions a great variety
of bamboo, small and large, some species growing
seventy-five to one hundred feet in height, and from
six to nine inches in diameter. He collected a large
number of specimens, which were subsequently sent
to Orange for Edison's examination. After about
fifteen months of exploration attended by much hardship
and privation, deserted sometimes by treacherous
guides, twice laid low by fevers, occasionally in peril
from Indian attacks, wild animals and poisonous
serpents, tormented by insect pests, endangered by
floods, one hundred and nineteen days without meat,
ninety-eight days without taking off his clothes, Mr.
McGowan returned to America, broken in health but
having faithfully fulfilled the commission intrusted
to him. The Evening Sun, New York, obtained an
interview with him at that time, and in its issue of
May 2, 1889, gave more than a page to a brief story
of his interesting adventures, and then commented
editorially upon them, as follows:
"A ROMANCE OF SCIENCE"
"The narrative given elsewhere in the Evening Sun
of the wanderings of Edison's missionary of science,
Mr. Frank McGowan, furnishes a new proof that the
romances of real life surpass any that the imagination
can frame.
"In pursuit of a substance that should meet the
requirements of the Edison incandescent lamp, Mr. McGowan
penetrated the wilderness of the Amazon, and for a year
defied its fevers, beasts, reptiles, and deadly insects in
his quest of a material so precious that jealous Nature
has hidden it in her most secret fastnesses.
"No hero of mythology or fable ever dared such
dragons to rescue some captive goddess as did this
dauntless champion of civilization. Theseus, or Siegfried,
or any knight of the fairy books might envy the
victories of Edison's irresistible lieutenant.
"As a sample story of adventure, Mr. McGowan's narrative
is a marvel fit to be classed with the historic jour-
neyings of the greatest travellers. But it gains immensely
in interest when we consider that it succeeded in its
scientific purpose. The mysterious bamboo was discovered,
and large quantities of it were procured and
brought to the Wizard's laboratory, there to suffer another
wondrous change and then to light up our pleasure-
haunts and our homes with a gentle radiance."
A further, though rather sad, interest attaches to
the McGowan story, for only a short time had
elapsed after his return to America when he disappeared
suddenly and mysteriously, and in spite of
long-continued and strenuous efforts to obtain some
light on the subject, no clew or trace of him was ever
found. He was a favorite among the Edison "oldtimers,"
and his memory is still cherished, for when
some of the "boys" happen to get together, as they
occasionally do, some one is almost sure to "wonder
what became of poor `Mac.' " He was last seen at
Mouquin's famous old French restaurant on Fulton
Street, New York, where he lunched with one of the
authors of this book and the late Luther Stieringer.
He sat with them for two or three hours discussing
his wonderful trip, and telling some fascinating stories
of adventure. Then the party separated at the Ann
Street door of the restaurant, after making plans to
secure the narrative in more detailed form for
subsequent use--and McGowan has not been seen from
that hour to this. The trail of the explorer was more
instantly lost in New York than in the vast recesses
of the Amazon swamps.
The next and last explorer whom Edison sent out
in search of natural fibres was Mr. James Ricalton,
of Maplewood, New Jersey, a school-principal, a well-
known traveller, and an ardent student of natural
science. Mr. Ricalton's own story of his memorable
expedition is so interesting as to be worthy of repetition
here:
"A village schoolmaster is not unaccustomed to
door-rappings; for the steps of belligerent mothers
are often thitherward bent seeking redress for conjured
wrongs to their darling boobies.
"It was a bewildering moment, therefore, to the
Maplewood teacher when, in answering a rap at the
door one afternoon, he found, instead of an irate
mother, a messenger from the laboratory of the
world's greatest inventor bearing a letter requesting
an audience a few hours later.
"Being the teacher to whom reference is made, I
am now quite willing to confess that for the remainder
of that afternoon, less than a problem in Euclid would
have been sufficient to disqualify me for the remaining
scholastic duties of the hour. I felt it, of course,
to be no small honor for a humble teacher to be called
to the sanctum of Thomas A. Edison. The letter,
however, gave no intimation of the nature of the
object for which I had been invited to appear before
Mr. Edison....
"When I was presented to Mr. Edison his way of
setting forth the mission he had designated for me
was characteristic of how a great mind conceives vast
undertakings and commands great things in few
words. At this time Mr. Edison had discovered that
the fibre of a certain bamboo afforded a very desirable
carbon for the electric lamp, and the variety of bam-
boo used was a product of Japan. It was his belief
that in other parts of the world other and superior
varieties might be found, and to that end he had
dispatched explorers to bamboo regions in the valleys
of the great South American rivers, where specimens
were found of extraordinary quality; but the locality
in which these specimens were found was lost in the
limitless reaches of those great river-bottoms. The
great necessity for more durable carbons became a
desideratum so urgent that the tireless inventor decided
to commission another explorer to search the
tropical jungles of the Orient.
"This brings me then to the first meeting of Edison,
when he set forth substantially as follows, as I remember
it twenty years ago, the purpose for which
he had called me from my scholastic duties. With
a quizzical gleam in his eye, he said: `I want a man
to ransack all the tropical jungles of the East to find
a better fibre for my lamp; I expect it to be found
in the palm or bamboo family. How would you like
that job?' Suiting my reply to his love of brevity
and dispatch, I said, `That would suit me.' `Can
you go to-morrow?' was his next question. `Well,
Mr. Edison, I must first of all get a leave of absence
from my Board of Education, and assist the board to
secure a substitute for the time of my absence. How
long will it take, Mr. Edison?' `How can I tell?
Maybe six months, and maybe five years; no matter
how long, find it.' He continued: `I sent a man to
South America to find what I want; he found it;
but lost the place where he found it, so he might
as well never have found it at all.' Hereat I was
enjoined to proceed forthwith to court the Board
of Education for a leave of absence, which I did
successfully, the board considering that a call so
important and honorary was entitled to their
unqualified favor, which they generously granted.
"I reported to Mr. Edison on the following day,
when he instructed me to come to the laboratory at
once to learn all the details of drawing and carbonizing
fibres, which it would be necessary to do in the
Oriental jungles. This I did, and, in the mean time,
a set of suitable tools for this purpose had been ordered
to be made in the laboratory. As soon as I
learned my new trade, which I accomplished in a few
days, Mr. Edison directed me to the library of the
laboratory to occupy a few days in studying the
geography of the Orient and, particularly, in drawing
maps of the tributaries of the Ganges, the Irrawaddy,
and the Brahmaputra rivers, and other regions which
I expected to explore.
"It was while thus engaged that Mr. Edison came
to me one day and said: `If you will go up to the
house' (his palatial home not far away) `and look behind
the sofa in the library you will find a joint of
bamboo, a specimen of that found in South America;
bring it down and make a study of it; if you find
something equal to that I will be satisfied.' At the
home I was guided to the library by an Irish servant-
woman, to whom I communicated my knowledge of
the definite locality of the sample joint. She plunged
her arm, bare and herculean, behind the aforementioned
sofa, and holding aloft a section of wood,
called out in a mood of discovery: `Is that it?'
Replying in the affirmative, she added, under an
impulse of innocent divination that whatever her
wizard master laid hands upon could result in nothing
short of an invention, `Sure, sor, and what's he
going to invint out o' that?'
"My kit of tools made, my maps drawn, my
Oriental geography reviewed, I come to the point
when matters of immediate departure are discussed;
and when I took occasion to mention to my chief
that, on the subject of life insurance, underwriters
refuse to take any risks on an enterprise so hazardous,
Mr. Edison said that, if I did not place too high
a valuation on my person, he would take the risk
himself. I replied that I was born and bred in New
York State, but now that I had become a Jersey man
I did not value myself at above fifteen hundred dollars.
Edison laughed and said that he would assume
the risk, and another point was settled. The next
matter was the financing of the trip, about which
Mr. Edison asked in a tentative way about the rates
to the East. I told him the expense of such a trip
could not be determined beforehand in detail, but that
I had established somewhat of a reputation for
economic travel, and that I did not believe any
traveller could surpass me in that respect. He desired
no further assurance in that direction, and thereupon
ordered a letter of credit made out with authorization
to order a second when the first was exhausted.
Herein then are set forth in briefest space the
preliminaries of a circuit of the globe in quest of fibre.
"It so happened that the day on which I set out
fell on Washington's Birthday, and I suggested to my
boys and girls at school that they make a line across
the station platform near the school at Maplewood,
and from this line I would start eastward around
the world, and if good-fortune should bring me back
I would meet them from the westward at the same
line. As I had often made them `toe the scratch,'
for once they were only too well pleased to have me
toe the line for them.
"This was done, and I sailed via England and the
Suez Canal to Ceylon, that fair isle to which Sindbad
the Sailor made his sixth voyage, picturesquely
referred to in history as the `brightest gem in the
British Colonial Crown.' I knew Ceylon to be eminently
tropical; I knew it to be rich in many varieties
of the bamboo family, which has been called the king
of the grasses; and in this family had I most hope of
finding the desired fibre. Weeks were spent in this
paradisiacal isle. Every part was visited. Native
wood craftsmen were offered a premium on every
new species brought in, and in this way nearly a hundred
species were tested, a greater number than was
found in any other country. One of the best specimens
tested during the entire trip around the world
was found first in Ceylon, although later in Burmah,
it being indigenous to the latter country. It is a
gigantic tree-grass or reed growing in clumps of from
one to two hundred, often twelve inches in diameter,
and one hundred and fifty feet high, and known as
the giant bamboo (Bambusa gigantia). This giant
grass stood the highest test as a carbon, and on account
of its extraordinary size and qualities I extend
it this special mention. With others who have given
much attention to this remarkable reed, I believe that
in its manifold uses the bamboo is the world's greatest
dendral benefactor.
"From Ceylon I proceeded to India, touching the
great peninsula first at Cape Comorin, and continuing
northward by way of Pondicherry, Madura, and
Madras; and thence to the tableland of Bangalore
and the Western Ghauts, testing many kinds of wood
at every point, but particularly the palm and bamboo
families. From the range of the Western Ghauts
I went to Bombay and then north by the way of
Delhi to Simla, the summer capital of the Himalayas;
thence again northward to the headwaters of the
Sutlej River, testing everywhere on my way everything
likely to afford the desired carbon.
"On returning from the mountains I followed the
valleys of the Jumna and the Ganges to Calcutta,
whence I again ascended the Sub-Himalayas to
Darjeeling, where the numerous river-bottoms were
sprinkled plentifully with many varieties of bamboo,
from the larger sizes to dwarfed species covering the
mountain slopes, and not longer than the grass of
meadows. Again descending to the plains I passed
eastward to the Brahmaputra River, which I ascended
to the foot-hills in Assam; but finding nothing of
superior quality in all this northern region I returned
to Calcutta and sailed thence to Rangoon, in Burmah;
and there, finding no samples giving more excellent
tests in the lower reaches of the Irrawaddy, I ascended
that river to Mandalay, where, through Burmese
bamboo wiseacres, I gathered in from round about
and tested all that the unusually rich Burmese flora
could furnish. In Burmah the giant bamboo, as already
mentioned, is found indigenous; but beside it
no superior varieties were found. Samples tested
at several points on the Malay Peninsula showed no
new species, except at a point north of Singapore,
where I found a species large and heavy which gave
a test nearly equal to that of the giant bamboo in
Ceylon.
"After completing the Malay Peninsula I had
planned to visit Java and Borneo; but having found
in the Malay Peninsula and in Ceylon a bamboo
fibre which averaged a test from one to two hundred
per cent. better than that in use at the lamp factory,
I decided it was unnecessary to visit these countries
or New Guinea, as my `Eureka' had already been
established, and that I would therefore set forth over
the return hemisphere, searching China and Japan
on the way. The rivers in Southern China brought
down to Canton bamboos of many species, where this
wondrously utilitarian reed enters very largely into
the industrial life of that people, and not merely into
the industrial life, but even into the culinary arts,
for bamboo sprouts are a universal vegetable in
China; but among all the bamboos of China I
found none of superexcellence in carbonizing qualities.
Japan came next in the succession of countries to be
explored, but there the work was much simplified,
from the fact that the Tokio Museum contains a
complete classified collection of all the different species
in the empire, and there samples could be obtained
and tested.
"Now the last of the important bamboo-producing
countries in the globe circuit had been done, and
the `home-lap' was in order; the broad Pacific was
spanned in fourteen days; my natal continent in six;
and on the 22d of February, on the same day, at the
same hour, at the same minute, one year to a second,
`little Maude,' a sweet maid of the school, led me
across the line which completed the circuit of the
globe, and where I was greeted by the cheers of my
boys and girls. I at once reported to Mr. Edison,
whose manner of greeting my return was as characteristic
of the man as his summary and matter-of-
fact manner of my dispatch. His little catechism
of curious inquiry was embraced in four small and
intensely Anglo-Saxon words--with his usual pleasant
smile he extended his hand and said: `Did you
get it?' This was surely a summing of a year's exploration
not less laconic than Caesar's review of his
Gallic campaign. When I replied that I had, but
that he must be the final judge of what I had found,
he said that during my absence he had succeeded in
making an artificial carbon which was meeting the
requirements satisfactorily; so well, indeed, that I
believe no practical use was ever made of the bamboo
fibres thereafter.
"I have herein given a very brief resume of my
search for fibre through the Orient; and during my
connection with that mission I was at all times not
less astonished at Mr. Edison's quick perception of
conditions and his instant decision and his bigness
of conceptions, than I had always been with his
prodigious industry and his inventive genius.
"Thinking persons know that blatant men never
accomplish much, and Edison's marvellous brevity
of speech along with his miraculous achievements
should do much to put bores and garrulity out of
fashion."
Although Edison had instituted such a costly and
exhaustive search throughout the world for the most
perfect of natural fibres, he did not necessarily feel
committed for all time to the exclusive use of that
material for his lamp filaments. While these
explorations were in progress, as indeed long before,
he had given much thought to the production of some
artificial compound that would embrace not only the
required homogeneity, but also many other qualifications
necessary for the manufacture of an improved
type of lamp which had become desirable by reason
of the rapid adoption of his lighting system.
At the very time Mr. McGowan was making his
explorations deep in South America, and Mr. Ricalton
his swift trip around the world, Edison, after
much investigation and experiment, had produced
a compound which promised better results than bamboo
fibres. After some changes dictated by experience,
this artificial filament was adopted in the
manufacture of lamps. No radical change was
immediately made, however, but the product of the
lamp factory was gradually changed over, during the
course of a few years, from the use of bamboo to the
"squirted" filament, as the new material was called.
An artificial compound of one kind or another has
indeed been universally adopted for the purpose by
all manufacturers; hence the incandescing conductors
in all carbon-filament lamps of the present day are
made in that way. The fact remains, however, that
for nearly nine years all Edison lamps (many millions
in the aggregate) were made with bamboo filaments,
and many of them for several years after that, until
bamboo was finally abandoned in the early nineties,
except for use in a few special types which were so
made until about the end of 1908. The last few years
have witnessed a remarkable advance in the manufacture
of incandescent lamps in the substitution of
metallic filaments for those of carbon. It will be
remembered that many of the earlier experiments were
based on the use of strips of platinum; while other
rare metals were the subject of casual trial. No real
success was attained in that direction, and for many
years the carbon-filament lamp reigned supreme.
During the last four or five years lamps with filaments
made from tantalum and tungsten have been
produced and placed on the market with great success,
and are now largely used. Their price is still
very high, however, as compared with that of the
carbon lamp, which has been vastly improved in
methods of construction, and whose average price
of fifteen cents is only one-tenth of what it was when
Edison first brought it out.
With the close of Mr. McGowan's and Mr. Ricalton's
expeditions, there ended the historic world-hunt
for natural fibres. From start to finish the investigations
and searches made by Edison himself, and carried
on by others under his direction, are remarkable
not only from the fact that they entailed a total
expenditure of about $100,000, (disbursed under his
supervision by Mr. Upton), but also because of
their unique inception and thoroughness they illustrate
one of the strongest traits of his character--an
invincible determination to leave no stone unturned
to acquire that which he believes to be in existence,
and which, when found, will answer the purpose that
he has in mind.
CHAPTER XIV
INVENTING A COMPLETE SYSTEM OF LIGHTING
IN Berlin, on December 11, 1908, with notable eclat,
the seventieth birthday was celebrated of Emil
Rathenau, the founder of the great Allgemein
Elektricitaets Gesellschaft. This distinguished German,
creator of a splendid industry, then received the
congratulations of his fellow-countrymen, headed by
Emperor William, who spoke enthusiastically of his
services to electro-technics and to Germany. In
his interesting acknowledgment, Mr. Rathenau told
how he went to Paris in 1881, and at the electrical
exhibition there saw the display of Edison's inventions
in electric lighting "which have met with as
little proper appreciation as his countless innovations
in connection with telegraphy, telephony, and the
entire electrical industry." He saw the Edison dynamo,
and he saw the incandescent lamp, "of which millions
have been manufactured since that day without the
great master being paid the tribute to his invention."
But what impressed the observant, thoroughgoing
German was the breadth with which the whole lighting
art had been elaborated and perfected, even at
that early day. "The Edison system of lighting was
as beautifully conceived down to the very details,
and as thoroughly worked out as if it had been tested
for decades in various towns. Neither sockets,
switches, fuses, lamp-holders, nor any of the other
accessories necessary to complete the installation
were wanting; and the generating of the current,
the regulation, the wiring with distributing boxes,
house connections, meters, etc., all showed signs of
astonishing skill and incomparable genius."
Such praise on such an occasion from the man who
introduced incandescent electric lighting into Germany
is significant as to the continued appreciation abroad
of Mr. Edison's work. If there is one thing modern
Germany is proud and jealous of, it is her leadership
in electrical engineering and investigation. But with
characteristic insight, Mr. Rathenau here placed his
finger on the great merit that has often been forgotten.
Edison was not simply the inventor of a new lamp
and a new dynamo. They were invaluable elements,
but far from all that was necessary. His was the
mighty achievement of conceiving and executing in
all its details an art and an industry absolutely new
to the world. Within two years this man completed
and made that art available in its essential, fundamental
facts, which remain unchanged after thirty
years of rapid improvement and widening application.
Such a stupendous feat, whose equal is far to seek
anywhere in the history of invention, is worth studying,
especially as the task will take us over much new
ground and over very little of the territory already
covered. Notwithstanding the enormous amount of
thought and labor expended on the incandescent
lamp problem from the autumn of 1878 to the winter
of 1879, it must not be supposed for one moment that
Edison's whole endeavor and entire inventive skill
had been given to the lamp alone, or the dynamo
alone. We have sat through the long watches of the
night while Edison brooded on the real solution of
the swarming problems. We have gazed anxiously at
the steady fingers of the deft and cautious Batchelor,
as one fragile filament after another refused to stay
intact until it could be sealed into its crystal prison
and there glow with light that never was before on
land or sea. We have calculated armatures and field
coils for the new dynamo with Upton, and held the
stakes for Jehl and his fellows at their winding bees.
We have seen the mineral and vegetable kingdoms
rifled and ransacked for substances that would yield
the best "filament." We have had the vague consciousness
of assisting at a great development whose
evidences to-day on every hand attest its magnitude.
We have felt the fierce play of volcanic effort, lifting
new continents of opportunity from the infertile sea,
without any devastation of pre-existing fields of human
toil and harvest. But it still remains to elucidate
the actual thing done; to reduce it to concrete
data, and in reducing, to unfold its colossal dimensions.
The lighting system that Edison contemplated in
this entirely new departure from antecedent methods
included the generation of electrical energy, or current,
on a very large scale; its distribution throughout
extended areas, and its division and subdivision
into small units converted into light at innumerable
points in every direction from the source of
supply, each unit to be independent of every oth-
er and susceptible to immediate control by the
user.
This was truly an altogether prodigious undertaking.
We need not wonder that Professor Tyndall,
in words implying grave doubt as to the possibility
of any solution of the various problems, said publicly
that he would much rather have the matter in Edison's
hands than in his own. There were no precedents,
nothing upon which to build or improve. The
problems could only be answered by the creation of
new devices and methods expressly worked out for
their solution. An electric lamp answering certain
specific requirements would, indeed, be the key to
the situation, but its commercial adaptation required
a multifarious variety of apparatus and devices. The
word "system" is much abused in invention, and
during the early days of electric lighting its use
applied to a mere freakish lamp or dynamo was often
ludicrous. But, after all, nothing short of a complete
system could give real value to the lamp as an
invention; nothing short of a system could body
forth the new art to the public. Let us therefore set
down briefly a few of the leading items needed for
perfect illumination by electricity, all of which were
part of the Edison programme:
First--To conceive a broad and fundamentally correct
method of distributing the current, satisfactory
in a scientific sense and practical commercially in its
efficiency and economy. This meant, ready made, a
comprehensive plan analogous to illumination by gas,
with a network of conductors all connected together,
so that in any given city area the lights could be fed
with electricity from several directions, thus eliminating
any interruption due to the disturbance on any
particular section.
Second--To devise an electric lamp that would give
about the same amount of light as a gas jet, which
custom had proven to be a suitable and useful unit.
This lamp must possess the quality of requiring only
a small investment in the copper conductors reaching
it. Each lamp must be independent of every
other lamp. Each and all the lights must be produced
and operated with sufficient economy to compete
on a commercial basis with gas. The lamp must
be durable, capable of being easily and safely handled
by the public, and one that would remain capable of
burning at full incandescence and candle-power a great
length of time.
Third--To devise means whereby the amount of
electrical energy furnished to each and every customer
could be determined, as in the case of gas, and
so that this could be done cheaply and reliably by a
meter at the customer's premises.
Fourth--To elaborate a system or network of conductors
capable of being placed underground or overhead,
which would allow of being tapped at any intervals,
so that service wires could be run from the
main conductors in the street into each building.
Where these mains went below the surface of the
thoroughfare, as in large cities, there must be
protective conduit or pipe for the copper conductors,
and these pipes must allow of being tapped wherever
necessary. With these conductors and pipes must
also be furnished manholes, junction-boxes, con-
nections, and a host of varied paraphernalia insuring
perfect general distribution.
Fifth--To devise means for maintaining at all
points in an extended area of distribution a practically
even pressure of current, so that all the lamps,
wherever located, near or far away from the central
station, should give an equal light at all times,
independent of the number that might be turned on; and
safeguarding the lamps against rupture by sudden
and violent fluctuations of current. There must also
be means for thus regulating at the point where the
current was generated the quality or pressure of the
current throughout the whole lighting area, with devices
for indicating what such pressure might actually
be at various points in the area.
Sixth--To design efficient dynamos, such not being
in existence at the time, that would convert economically
the steam-power of high-speed engines into
electrical energy, together with means for connecting
and disconnecting them with the exterior consumption
circuits; means for regulating, equalizing their
loads, and adjusting the number of dynamos to be
used according to the fluctuating demands on the
central station. Also the arrangement of complete
stations with steam and electric apparatus and auxiliary
devices for insuring their efficient and continuous
operation.
Seventh--To invent devices that would prevent
the current from becoming excessive upon any conductors,
causing fire or other injury; also switches
for turning the current on and off; lamp-holders,
fixtures, and the like; also means and methods for
establishing the interior circuits that were to carry
current to chandeliers and fixtures in buildings.
Here was the outline of the programme laid down
in the autumn of 1878, and pursued through all its
difficulties to definite accomplishment in about eighteen
months, some of the steps being made immediately,
others being taken as the art evolved. It is
not to be imagined for one moment that Edison performed
all the experiments with his own hands. The
method of working at Menlo Park has already been
described in these pages by those who participated.
It would not only have been physically impossible for
one man to have done all this work himself, in view
of the time and labor required, and the endless detail;
but most of the apparatus and devices invented
or suggested by him as the art took shape required
the handiwork of skilled mechanics and artisans of a
high order of ability. Toward the end of 1879 the
laboratory force thus numbered at least one hundred
earnest men. In this respect of collaboration, Edison
has always adopted a policy that must in part
be taken to explain his many successes. Some inventors
of the greatest ability, dealing with ideas and
conceptions of importance, have found it impossible
to organize or even to tolerate a staff of co-workers,
preferring solitary and secret toil, incapable of team
work, or jealous of any intrusion that could possibly
bar them from a full and complete claim to the result
when obtained. Edison always stood shoulder to
shoulder with his associates, but no one ever questioned
the leadership, nor was it ever in doubt where
the inspiration originated. The real truth is that
Edison has always been so ceaselessly fertile of ideas
himself, he has had more than his whole staff could
ever do to try them all out; he has sought co-operation,
but no exterior suggestion. As a matter of fact
a great many of the "Edison men" have made notable
inventions of their own, with which their names are
imperishably associated; but while they were with
Edison it was with his work that they were and
must be busied.
It was during this period of "inventing a system"
that so much systematic and continuous work with
good results was done by Edison in the design and
perfection of dynamos. The value of his contributions
to the art of lighting comprised in this work
has never been fully understood or appreciated, having
been so greatly overshadowed by his invention of
the incandescent lamp, and of a complete system of
distribution. It is a fact, however, that the principal
improvements he made in dynamo-electric generators
were of a radical nature and remain in the art.
Thirty years bring about great changes, especially
in a field so notably progressive as that of the
generation of electricity; but different as are the
dynamos of to-day from those of the earlier period,
they embody essential principles and elements that
Edison then marked out and elaborated as the conditions
of success. There was indeed prompt appreciation
in some well-informed quarters of what Edison
was doing, evidenced by the sensation caused in the
summer of 1881, when he designed, built, and shipped
to Paris for the first Electrical Exposition ever held,
the largest dynamo that had been built up to that
time. It was capable of lighting twelve hundred
incandescent lamps, and weighed with its engine
twenty-seven tons, the armature alone weighing six
tons. It was then, and for a long time after, the
eighth wonder of the scientific world, and its arrival
and installation in Paris were eagerly watched by
the most famous physicists and electricians of Europe.
Edison's amusing description of his experience
in shipping the dynamo to Paris when built may
appropriately be given here: "I built a very large
dynamo with the engine directly connected, which I
intended for the Paris Exposition of 1881. It was
one or two sizes larger than those I had previously
built. I had only a very short period in which to get
it ready and put it on a steamer to reach the Exposition
in time. After the machine was completed we
found the voltage was too low. I had to devise a way
of raising the voltage without changing the machine,
which I did by adding extra magnets. After this
was done, we tested the machine, and the crank-shaft
of the engine broke and flew clear across the shop.
By working night and day a new crank-shaft was put
in, and we only had three days left from that time to
get it on board the steamer; and had also to run a
test. So we made arrangements with the Tammany
leader, and through him with the police, to clear the
street--one of the New York crosstown streets--and
line it with policemen, as we proposed to make a
quick passage, and didn't know how much time it
would take. About four hours before the steamer
had to get it, the machine was shut down after the
test, and a schedule was made out in advance of what
each man had to do. Sixty men were put on top of
the dynamo to get it ready, and each man had written
orders as to what he was to perform. We got it all
taken apart and put on trucks and started off. They
drove the horses with a fire-bell in front of them to
the French pier, the policemen lining the streets.
Fifty men were ready to help the stevedores get it on
the steamer--and we were one hour ahead of time."
This Exposition brings us, indeed, to a dramatic
and rather pathetic parting of the ways. The hour
had come for the old laboratory force that had done
such brilliant and memorable work to disband, never
again to assemble under like conditions for like effort,
although its members all remained active in the field,
and many have ever since been associated prominently
with some department of electrical enterprise. The
fact was they had done their work so well they must
now disperse to show the world what it was, and assist
in its industrial exploitation. In reality, they were
too few for the demands that reached Edison from
all parts of the world for the introduction of his
system; and in the emergency the men nearest to
him and most trusted were those upon whom he could
best depend for such missionary work as was now
required. The disciples full of fire and enthusiasm,
as well as of knowledge and experience, were soon
scattered to the four winds, and the rapidity with
which the Edison system was everywhere successfully
introduced is testimony to the good judgment
with which their leader had originally selected them
as his colleagues. No one can say exactly just how this
process of disintegration began, but Mr. E. H. John-
son had already been sent to England in the Edison
interests, and now the question arose as to what
should be done with the French demands and the
Paris Electrical Exposition, whose importance as a
point of new departure in electrical industry was
speedily recognized on both sides of the Atlantic. It
is very interesting to note that as the earlier staff
broke up, Edison became the centre of another large
body, equally devoted, but more particularly
concerned with the commercial development of his ideas.
Mr. E. G. Acheson mentions in his personal notes on
work at the laboratory, that in December of 1880,
while on some experimental work, he was called to
the new lamp factory started recently at Menlo Park,
and there found Edison, Johnson, Batchelor, and
Upton in conference, and "Edison informed me that
Mr. Batchelor, who was in charge of the construction,
development, and operation of the lamp factory, was
soon to sail for Europe to prepare for the exhibit to
be made at the Electrical Exposition to be held in Paris
during the coming summer." These preparations overlap
the reinforcement of the staff with some notable
additions, chief among them being Mr. Samuel Insull,
whose interesting narrative of events fits admirably
into the story at this stage, and gives a vivid idea of
the intense activity and excitement with which the
whole atmosphere around Edison was then surcharged:
"I first met Edison on March 1, 1881. I
arrived in New York on the City of Chester about five
or six in the evening, and went direct to 65 Fifth
Avenue. I had come over to act as Edison's private
secretary, the position having been obtained for me
through the good offices of Mr. E. H. Johnson, whom
I had known in London, and who wrote to Mr. U. H.
Painter, of Washington, about me in the fall of 1880.
Mr. Painter sent the letter on to Mr. Batchelor, who
turned it over to Edison. Johnson returned to
America late in the fall of 1880, and in January, 1881,
cabled to me to come to this country. At the time
he cabled for me Edison was still at Menlo Park, but
when I arrived in New York the famous offices of the
Edison Electric Light Company had been opened at
`65' Fifth Avenue, and Edison had moved into New
York with the idea of assisting in the exploitation of
the Light Company's business.
"I was taken by Johnson direct from the Inman
Steamship pier to 65 Fifth Avenue, and met Edison
for the first time. There were three rooms on the
ground floor at that time. The front one was used
as a kind of reception-room; the room immediately
behind it was used as the office of the president of
the Edison Electric Light Company, Major S. B.
Eaton. The rear room, which was directly back of
the front entrance hall, was Edison's office, and there
I first saw him. There was very little in the room
except a couple of walnut roller-top desks--which were
very generally used in American offices at that time.
Edison received me with great cordiality. I think
he was possibly disappointed at my being so young
a man; I had only just turned twenty-one, and had
a very boyish appearance. The picture of Edison is
as vivid to me now as if the incident occurred
yesterday, although it is now more than twenty-nine
years since that first meeting. I had been connected
with Edison's affairs in England as private secretary
to his London agent for about two years; and had
been taught by Johnson to look on Edison as the
greatest electrical inventor of the day--a view of
him, by-the-way, which has been greatly strengthened
as the years have rolled by. Owing to this, and
to the fact that I felt highly flattered at the appointment
as his private secretary, I was naturally prepared
to accept him as a hero. With my strict English
ideas as to the class of clothes to be worn by a
prominent man, there was nothing in Edison's dress
to impress me. He wore a rather seedy black diagonal
Prince Albert coat and waistcoat, with trousers of a
dark material, and a white silk handkerchief around
his neck, tied in a careless knot falling over the stiff
bosom of a white shirt somewhat the worse for wear.
He had a large wide-awake hat of the sombrero pattern
then generally used in this country, and a rough,
brown overcoat, cut somewhat similarly to his Prince
Albert coat. His hair was worn quite long, and hanging
carelessly over his fine forehead. His face was
at that time, as it is now, clean shaven. He was full
in face and figure, although by no means as stout as
he has grown in recent years. What struck me above
everything else was the wonderful intelligence and
magnetism of his expression, and the extreme brightness
of his eyes. He was far more modest than in
my youthful picture of him. I had expected to find
a man of distinction. His appearance, as a whole,
was not what you would call `slovenly,' it is best
expressed by the word `careless.' "
Mr. Insull supplements this pen-picture by another,
bearing upon the hustle and bustle of the moment:
"After a short conversation Johnson hurried me off to
meet his family, and later in the evening, about eight
o'clock, he and I returned to Edison's office; and I
found myself launched without further ceremony into
Edison's business affairs. Johnson had already explained
to me that he was sailing the next morning,
March 2d, on the S.S. Arizona, and that Mr. Edison
wanted to spend the evening discussing matters in
connection with his European affairs. It was assumed,
inasmuch as I had just arrived from London,
that I would be able to give more or less information
on this subject. As Johnson was to sail the next
morning at five o'clock, Edison explained that it
would be necessary for him to have an understanding
of European matters. Edison started out by drawing
from his desk a check-book and stating how much
money he had in the bank; and he wanted to know
what European telephone securities were most salable,
as he wished to raise the necessary funds to put
on their feet the incandescent lamp factory, the
Electric Tube works, and the necessary shops to build
dynamos. All through the interview I was tremendously
impressed with Edison's wonderful resourcefulness
and grasp, and his immediate appreciation of
any suggestion of consequence bearing on the subject
under discussion.
"He spoke with very great enthusiasm of the work
before him--namely, the development of his electric-
lighting system; and his one idea seemed to be to
raise all the money he could with the object of pouring
it into the manufacturing side of the lighting
business. I remember how extraordinarily I was impressed
with him on this account, as I had just come
from a circle of people in London who not only questioned
the possibility of the success of Edison's invention,
but often expressed doubt as to whether the
work he had done could be called an invention at all.
After discussing affairs with Johnson--who was receiving
his final instructions from Edison--far into
the night, and going down to the steamer to see Johnson
aboard, I finished my first night's business with
Edison somewhere between four and five in the morning,
feeling thoroughly imbued with the idea that I
had met one of the great master minds of the world.
You must allow for my youthful enthusiasm, but
you must also bear in mind Edison's peculiar gift of
magnetism, which has enabled him during his career
to attach so many men to him. I fell a victim to the
spell at the first interview."
Events moved rapidly in those days. The next
morning, Tuesday, Edison took his new fidus Achates
with him to a conference with John Roach, the famous
old ship-builder, and at it agreed to take the AEtna
Iron works, where Roach had laid the foundations
of his fame and fortune. These works were not in
use at the time. They were situated on Goerck
Street, New York, north of Grand Street, on the
east side of the city, and there, very soon after, was
established the first Edison dynamo-manufacturing
establishment, known for many years as the Edison
Machine Works. The same night Insull made his
first visit to Menlo Park. Up to that time he had
seen very little incandescent lighting, for the simple
reason that there was very little to see. Johnson
had had a few Edison lamps in London, lit up from
primary batteries, as a demonstration; and in the
summer of 1880 Swan had had a few series lamps
burning in London. In New York a small gas-engine
plant was being started at the Edison offices on Fifth
Avenue. But out at Menlo Park there was the first
actual electric-lighting central station, supplying
distributed incandescent lamps and some electric motors
by means of underground conductors imbedded in
asphaltum and surrounded by a wooden box. Mr. Insull
says: "The system employed was naturally the
two-wire, as at that time the three-wire had not been
thought of. The lamps were partly of the horseshoe
filament paper-carbon type, and partly bamboo-filament
lamps, and were of an efficiency of 95 to 100
watts per 16 c.p. I can never forget the impression
that this first view of the electric-lighting industry
produced on me. Menlo Park must always be looked
upon as the birthplace of the electric light and
power industry. At that time it was the only place
where could be seen an electric light and power
multiple arc distribution system, the operation of
which seemed as successful to my youthful mind as
the operation of one of the large metropolitan systems
to-day. I well remember about ten o'clock that night
going down to the Menlo Park depot and getting the
station agent, who was also the telegraph operator, to
send some cable messages for me to my London
friends, announcing that I had seen Edison's incandescent
lighting system in actual operation, and that
so far as I could tell it was an accomplished fact. A
few weeks afterward I received a letter from one of
my London friends, who was a doubting Thomas,
upbraiding me for coming so soon under the spell of
the `Yankee inventor.' "
It was to confront and deal with just this element
of doubt in London and in Europe generally, that the
dispatch of Johnson to England and of Batchelor to
France was intended. Throughout the Edison staff
there was a mingled feeling of pride in the work,
resentment at the doubts expressed about it, and keen
desire to show how excellent it was. Batchelor left
for Paris in July, 1881--on his second trip to Europe
that year--and the exhibit was made which brought
such an instantaneous recognition of the incalculable
value of Edison's lighting inventions, as evidenced
by the awards and rewards immediately bestowed
upon him. He was made an officer of the Legion of
Honor, and Prof. George F. Barker cabled as follows
from Paris, announcing the decision of the expert
jury which passed upon the exhibits: "Accept my
congratulations. You have distanced all competitors
and obtained a diploma of honor, the highest
award given in the Exposition. No person in any
class in which you were an exhibitor received a like
reward."
Nor was this all. Eminent men in science who had
previously expressed their disbelief in the statements
made as to the Edison system were now foremost in
generous praise of his notable achievements, and accorded
him full credit for its completion. A typical
instance was M. Du Moncel, a distinguished electrician,
who had written cynically about Edison's work
and denied its practicability. He now recanted publicly
in this language, which in itself shows the state
of the art when Edison came to the front: "All these
experiments achieved but moderate success, and when,
in 1879, the new Edison incandescent carbon lamp
was announced, many of the scientists, and I,
particularly, doubted the accuracy of the reports which
came from America. This horseshoe of carbonized
paper seemed incapable to resist mechanical shocks
and to maintain incandescence for any considerable
length of time. Nevertheless, Mr. Edison was not
discouraged, and despite the active opposition made
to his lamp, despite the polemic acerbity of which he
was the object, he did not cease to perfect it; and
he succeeded in producing the lamps which we now
behold exhibited at the Exposition, and are admired
by all for their perfect steadiness."
The competitive lamps exhibited and tested at this
time comprised those of Edison, Maxim, Swan, and
Lane-Fox. The demonstration of Edison's success
stimulated the faith of his French supporters, and
rendered easier the completion of plans for the Societe
Edison Continental, of Paris, formed to operate
the Edison patents on the Continent of Europe. Mr.
Batchelor, with Messrs. Acheson and Hipple, and one
or two other assistants, at the close of the Exposition
transferred their energies to the construction and
equipment of machine-shops and lamp factories at
Ivry-sur-Seine for the company, and in a very short
time the installation of plants began in various
countries--France, Italy, Holland, Belgium, etc.
All through 1881 Johnson was very busy, for his
part, in England. The first "Jumbo" Edison dynamo
had gone to Paris; the second and third went to
London, where they were installed in 1881 by Mr.
Johnson and his assistant, Mr. W. J. Hammer, in the
three-thousand-light central station on Holborn Viaduct,
the plant going into operation on January 12,
1882. Outside of Menlo Park this was the first regular
station for incandescent lighting in the world, as
the Pearl Street station in New York did not go into
operation until September of the same year. This
historic plant was hurriedly thrown together on
Crown land, and would doubtless have been the
nucleus of a great system but for the passage of the
English electric lighting act of 1882, which at once
throttled the industry by its absurd restrictive
provisions, and which, though greatly modified, has left
England ever since in a condition of serious inferiority
as to development in electric light and power. The
streets and bridges of Holborn Viaduct were lighted
by lamps turned on and off from the station, as well
as the famous City Temple of Dr. Joseph Parker, the
first church in the world to be lighted by incandescent
lamps--indeed, so far as can be ascertained, the first
church to be illuminated by electricity in any form.
Mr. W. J. Hammer, who supplies some very interesting
notes on the installation, says: "I well remember
the astonishment of Doctor Parker and his associates
when they noted the difference of temperature as
compared with gas. I was informed that the people
would not go in the gallery in warm weather, owing
to the great heat caused by the many gas jets, whereas
on the introduction of the incandescent lamp there
was no complaint." The telegraph operating-room
of the General Post-Office, at St. Martin's-Le Grand
and Newgate Street nearby, was supplied with four
hundred lamps through the instrumentality of Mr.
(Sir) W. H. Preece, who, having been seriously sceptical
as to Mr. Edison's results, became one of his most
ardent advocates, and did much to facilitate the
introduction of the light. This station supplied its
customers by a network of feeders and mains of the
standard underground two-wire Edison tubing-conductors
in sections of iron pipe--such as was
used subsequently in New York, Milan, and other
cities. It also had a measuring system for the
current, employing the Edison electrolytic meter.
Arc lamps were operated from its circuits, and one of
the first sets of practicable storage batteries was
used experimentally at the station. In connection
with these batteries Mr. Hammer tells a characteristic
anecdote of Edison: "A careless boy passing through
the station whistling a tune and swinging carelessly
a hammer in his hand, rapped a carboy of sulphuric
acid which happened to be on the floor above a
`Jumbo' dynamo. The blow broke the glass carboy,
and the acid ran down upon the field magnets of
the dynamo, destroying the windings of one of the
twelve magnets. This accident happened while I
was taking a vacation in Germany, and a prominent
scientific man connected with the company cabled
Mr. Edison to know whether the machine would work
if the coil was cut out. Mr. Edison sent the laconic
reply: `Why doesn't he try it and see?' Mr. E. H.
Johnson was kept busy not only with the cares and
responsibilities of this pioneer English plant, but by
negotiations as to company formations, hearings before
Parliamentary committees, and particularly by
distinguished visitors, including all the foremost
scientific men in England, and a great many well-
known members of the peerage. Edison was fortunate
in being represented by a man with so much
address, intimate knowledge of the subject, and powers
of explanation. As one of the leading English
papers said at the time, with equal humor and truth:
`There is but one Edison, and Johnson is his prophet.' "
As the plant continued in operation, various details
and ideas of improvement emerged, and Mr. Hammer
says: "Up to the time of the construction of this
plant it had been customary to place a single-pole
switch on one wire and a safety fuse on the other;
and the practice of putting fuses on both sides of a
lighting circuit was first used here. Some of the first,
if not the very first, of the insulated fixtures were
used in this plant, and many of the fixtures were
equipped with ball insulating joints, enabling the
chandeliers--or `electroliers'--to be turned around,
as was common with the gas chandeliers. This particular
device was invented by Mr. John B. Verity,
whose firm built many of the fixtures for the Edison
Company, and constructed the notable electroliers
shown at the Crystal Palace Exposition of 1882."
We have made a swift survey of developments from
the time when the system of lighting was ready for
use, and when the staff scattered to introduce it. It
will be readily understood that Edison did not sit
with folded hands or drop into complacent satisfac-
tion the moment he had reached the practical stage
of commercial exploitation. He was not willing to
say "Let us rest and be thankful," as was one of
England's great Liberal leaders after a long period of
reform. On the contrary, he was never more active
than immediately after the work we have summed
up at the beginning of this chapter. While he had
been pursuing his investigations of the generator in
conjunction with the experiments on the incandescent
lamp, he gave much thought to the question of
distribution of the current over large areas, revolving
in his mind various plans for the accomplishment of
this purpose, and keeping his mathematicians very
busy working on the various schemes that suggested
themselves from time to time. The idea of a
complete system had been in his mind in broad outline
for a long time, but did not crystallize into
commercial form until the incandescent lamp was an
accomplished fact. Thus in January, 1880, his first
patent application for a "System of Electrical
Distribution" was signed. It was filed in the Patent
Office a few days later, but was not issued as a patent
until August 30, 1887. It covered, fundamentally,
multiple arc distribution, how broadly will be understood
from the following extracts from the New York
Electrical Review of September 10, 1887: "It would
appear as if the entire field of multiple distribution were
now in the hands of the owners of this patent....
The patent is about as broad as a patent can be, being
regardless of specific devices, and laying a powerful grasp
on the fundamental idea of multiple distribution from
a number of generators throughout a metallic circuit."
Mr. Edison made a number of other applications
for patents on electrical distribution during the year
1880. Among these was the one covering the celebrated
"Feeder" invention, which has been of very
great commercial importance in the art, its object
being to obviate the "drop" in pressure, rendering
lights dim in those portions of an electric-light system
that were remote from the central station.[10]
[10] For further explanation of "Feeder" patent, see Appendix.
From these two patents alone, which were absolutely
basic and fundamental in effect, and both of which
were, and still are, put into actual use wherever
central-station lighting is practiced, the reader will see
that Mr. Edison's patient and thorough study, aided
by his keen foresight and unerring judgment, had
enabled him to grasp in advance with a master hand
the chief and underlying principles of a true system--
that system which has since been put into practical use
all over the world, and whose elements do not need the
touch or change of more modern scientific knowledge.
These patents were not by any means all that he
applied for in the year 1880, which it will be remembered
was the year in which he was perfecting the
incandescent electric lamp and methods, to put into
the market for competition with gas. It was an
extraordinarily busy year for Mr. Edison and his
whole force, which from time to time was increased
in number. Improvement upon improvement was
the order of the day. That which was considered
good to-day was superseded by something better and
more serviceable to-morrow. Device after device,
relating to some part of the entire system, was designed,
built, and tried, only to be rejected ruthlessly
as being unsuitable; but the pursuit was not abandoned.
It was renewed over and over again in innumerable
ways until success had been attained.
During the year 1880 Edison had made application
for sixty patents, of which thirty-two were in relation
to incandescent lamps; seven covered inventions
relating to distributing systems (including the two
above particularized); five had reference to inventions
of parts, such as motors, sockets, etc.; six covered
inventions relating to dynamo-electric machines;
three related to electric railways, and seven to
miscellaneous apparatus, such as telegraph relays,
magnetic ore separators, magneto signalling apparatus, etc.
The list of Mr. Edison's patents (see Appendices)
is not only a monument to his life's work, but serves
to show what subjects he has worked on from year
to year since 1868. The reader will see from an
examination of this list that the years 1880, 1881,
1882, and 1883 were the most prolific periods of invention.
It is worth while to scrutinize this list
closely to appreciate the wide range of his activities.
Not that his patents cover his entire range of work
by any means, for his note-books reveal a great number
of major and minor inventions for which he has not
seen fit to take out patents. Moreover, at the period
now described Edison was the victim of a dishonest
patent solicitor, who deprived him of a number of
patents in the following manner:
"Around 1881-82 I had several solicitors attending
to different classes of work. One of these did me a
most serious injury. It was during the time that I
was developing my electric-lighting system, and I
was working and thinking very hard in order to cover
all the numerous parts, in order that it would be
complete in every detail. I filed a great many
applications for patents at that time, but there were
seventy-eight of the inventions I made in that period
that were entirely lost to me and my company by
reason of the dishonesty of this patent solicitor.
Specifications had been drawn, and I had signed
and sworn to the application for patents for these
seventy-eight inventions, and naturally I supposed
they had been filed in the regular way.
"As time passed I was looking for some action of
the Patent Office, as usual, but none came. I thought
it very strange, but had no suspicions until I began
to see my inventions recorded in the Patent Office
Gazette as being patented by others. Of course I
ordered an investigation, and found that the patent
solicitor had drawn from the company the fees for
filing all these applications, but had never filed them.
All the papers had disappeared, however, and what
he had evidently done was to sell them to others,
who had signed new applications and proceeded to
take out patents themselves on my inventions. I
afterward found that he had been previously mixed
up with a somewhat similar crooked job in connection
with telephone patents.
"I am free to confess that the loss of these seventy-
eight inventions has left a sore spot in me that has
never healed. They were important, useful, and
valuable, and represented a whole lot of tremendous
work and mental effort, and I had had a feeling of
pride in having overcome through them a great
many serious obstacles, One of these inventions covered
the multipolar dynamo. It was an elaborated
form of the type covered by my patent No. 219,393
which had a ring armature. I modified and improved
on this form and had a number of pole pieces placed
all around the ring, with a modified form of armature
winding. I built one of these machines and ran it
successfully in our early days at the Goerck Street shop.
"It is of no practical use to mention the man's
name. I believe he is dead, but he may have left
a family. The occurrence is a matter of the old
Edison Company's records."
It will be seen from an examination of the list of
patents in the Appendix that Mr. Edison has continued
year after year adding to his contributions to
the art of electric lighting, and in the last twenty-
eight years--1880-1908--has taken out no fewer
than three hundred and seventy-five patents in this
branch of industry alone. These patents may be
roughly tabulated as follows:
Incandescent lamps and their manufacture....................149
Distributing systems and their control and regulation....... 77
Dynamo-electric machines and accessories....................106
Minor parts, such as sockets, switches, safety catches,
meters, underground conductors and parts, etc............... 43
Quite naturally most of these patents cover inventions
that are in the nature of improvements or based
upon devices which he had already created; but there
are a number that relate to inventions absolutely
fundamental and original in their nature. Some of
these have already been alluded to; but among the
others there is one which is worthy of special mention
in connection with the present consideration of
a complete system. This is patent No. 274,290,
applied for November 27, 1882, and is known as the
"Three-wire" patent. It is described more fully in
the Appendix.
The great importance of the "Feeder" and "Three-
wire" inventions will be apparent when it is realized
that without them it is a question whether electric
light could be sold to compete with low-priced gas,
on account of the large investment in conductors
that would be necessary. If a large city area were
to be lighted from a central station by means of
copper conductors running directly therefrom to all
parts of the district, it would be necessary to install
large conductors, or suffer such a drop of pressure
at the ends most remote from the station as to
cause the lights there to burn with a noticeable
diminution of candle-power. The Feeder invention
overcame this trouble, and made it possible to use
conductors ONLY ONE-EIGHTH THE SIZE that would otherwise
have been necessary to produce the same results.
A still further economy in cost of conductors was
effected by the "Three-wire" invention, by the use
of which the already diminished conductors could be
still further reduced TO ONE-THIRD of this smaller size,
and at the same time allow of the successful operation
of the station with far better results than if it
were operated exactly as at first conceived. The
Feeder and Three-wire systems are at this day used
in all parts of the world, not only in central-station
work, but in the installation and operation of isolated
electric-light plants in large buildings. No sensible
or efficient station manager or electric contractor
would ever think of an installation made upon any
other plan. Thus Mr. Edison's early conceptions of
the necessities of a complete system, one of them
made even in advance of practice, have stood firm,
unimproved, and unchanged during the past twenty-
eight years, a period of time which has witnessed
more wonderful and rapid progress in electrical science
and art than has been known during any similar art
or period of time since the world began.
It must be remembered that the complete system
in all its parts is not comprised in the few of Mr.
Edison's patents, of which specific mention is here
made. In order to comprehend the magnitude and
extent of his work and the quality of his genius, it is
necessary to examine minutely the list of patents
issued for the various elements which go to make up
such a system. To attempt any relation in detail
of the conception and working-out of each part or
element; to enter into any description of the almost
innumerable experiments and investigations that were
made would entail the writing of several volumes, for
Mr. Edison's close-written note-books covering these
subjects number nearly two hundred.
It is believed that enough evidence has been given
in this chapter to lead to an appreciation of the
assiduous work and practical skill involved in "inventing
a system" of lighting that would surpass, and
to a great extent, in one single quarter of a century,
supersede all the other methods of illumination
developed during long centuries. But it will be ap-
propriate before passing on to note that on January
17, 1908, while this biography was being written,
Mr. Edison became the fourth recipient of the John
Fritz gold medal for achievement in industrial progress.
This medal was founded in 1902 by the professional
friends and associates of the veteran American
ironmaster and metallurgical inventor, in honor
of his eightieth birthday. Awards are made by a
board of sixteen engineers appointed in equal numbers
from the four great national engineering societies
--the American Society of Civil Engineers, the American
Institute of Mining Engineers, the American Society
of Mechanical Engineers, and the American
Institute of Electrical Engineers, whose membership
embraces the very pick and flower of professional
engineering talent in America. Up to the time of
the Edison award, three others had been made. The
first was to Lord Kelvin, the Nestor of physics in
Europe, for his work in submarine-cable telegraphy
and other scientific achievement. The second was
to George Westinghouse for the air-brake. The third
was to Alexander Graham Bell for the invention and
introduction of the telephone. The award to Edison
was not only for his inventions in duplex and quadruplex
telegraphy, and for the phonograph, but for the
development of a commercially practical incandescent
lamp, and the development of a complete system
of electric lighting, including dynamos, regulating
devices, underground system, protective devices, and
meters. Great as has been the genius brought to
bear on electrical development, there is no other man
to whom such a comprehensive tribute could be paid.
CHAPTER XV
INTRODUCTION OF THE EDISON ELECTRIC LIGHT
IN the previous chapter on the invention of a system,
the narrative has been carried along for several
years of activity up to the verge of the successful and
commercial application of Edison's ideas and devices
for incandescent electric lighting. The story of any
one year in this period, if treated chronologically,
would branch off in a great many different directions,
some going back to earlier work, others forward to
arts not yet within the general survey; and the effect
of such treatment would be confusing. In like manner
the development of the Edison lighting system
followed several concurrent, simultaneous lines of
advance; and an effort was therefore made in the
last chapter to give a rapid glance over the whole
movement, embracing a term of nearly five years, and
including in its scope both the Old World and the
New. What is necessary to the completeness of the
story at this stage is not to recapitulate, but to take
up some of the loose ends of threads woven in and
follow them through until the clear and comprehensive
picture of events can be seen.
Some things it would be difficult to reproduce in
any picture of the art and the times. One of the
greatest delusions of the public in regard to any
notable invention is the belief that the world is waiting
for it with open arms and an eager welcome. The
exact contrary is the truth. There is not a single new
art or device the world has ever enjoyed of which
it can be said that it was given an immediate and
enthusiastic reception. The way of the inventor is
hard. He can sometimes raise capital to help him
in working out his crude conceptions, but even then
it is frequently done at a distressful cost of personal
surrender. When the result is achieved the invention
makes its appeal on the score of economy of
material or of effort; and then "labor" often awaits
with crushing and tyrannical spirit to smash the
apparatus or forbid its very use. Where both capital
and labor are agreed that the object is worthy of
encouragement, there is the supreme indifference of
the public to overcome, and the stubborn resistance
of pre-existing devices to combat. The years of hardship
and struggle are thus prolonged, the chagrin of
poverty and neglect too frequently embitters the
inventor's scanty bread; and one great spirit after
another has succumbed to the defeat beyond which
lay the procrastinated triumph so dearly earned.
Even in America, where the adoption of improvements
and innovations is regarded as so prompt and
sure, and where the huge tolls of the Patent Office
and the courts bear witness to the ceaseless efforts
of the inventor, it is impossible to deny the sad truth
that unconsciously society discourages invention
rather than invites it. Possibly our national optimism
as revealed in invention--the seeking a higher
good--needs some check. Possibly the leaders would
travel too fast and too far on the road to perfection
if conservatism did not also play its salutary part
in insisting that the procession move forward as a
whole.
Edison and his electric light were happily more
fortunate than other men and inventions, in the relative
cordiality of the reception given them. The
merit was too obvious to remain unrecognized.
Nevertheless, it was through intense hostility and
opposition that the young art made its way, pushed
forward by Edison's own strong personality and by
his unbounded, unwavering faith in the ultimate success
of his system. It may seem strange that great
effort was required to introduce a light so manifestly
convenient, safe, agreeable, and advantageous,
but the facts are matter of record; and to-day the
recollection of some of the episodes brings a fierce
glitter into the eye and keen indignation into the
voice of the man who has come so victoriously through
it all.
It was not a fact at any time that the public was
opposed to the idea of the electric light. On the contrary,
the conditions for its acceptance had been ripening
fast. Yet the very vogue of the electric arc light
made harder the arrival of the incandescent. As a
new illuminant for the streets, the arc had become
familiar, either as a direct substitute for the low gas
lamp along the sidewalk curb, or as a novel form of
moonlight, raised in groups at the top of lofty towers
often a hundred and fifty feet high. Some of these
lights were already in use for large indoor spaces,
although the size of the unit, the deadly pressure of
the current, and the sputtering sparks from the carbons
made them highly objectionable for such purposes.
A number of parent arc-lighting companies
were in existence, and a great many local companies
had been called into being under franchises for
commercial business and to execute regular city contracts
for street lighting. In this manner a good deal of
capital and the energies of many prominent men in
politics and business had been rallied distinctively
to the support of arc lighting. Under the inventive
leadership of such brilliant men as Brush, Thomson,
Weston, and Van Depoele--there were scores of
others--the industry had made considerable progress
and the art had been firmly established. Here lurked,
however, very vigorous elements of opposition, for
Edison predicted from the start the superiority of the
small electric unit of light, and devoted himself
exclusively to its perfection and introduction. It can
be readily seen that this situation made it all the more
difficult for the Edison system to secure the large
sums of money needed for its exploitation, and to
obtain new franchises or city ordinances as a public
utility. Thus in a curious manner the modern art
of electric lighting was in a very true sense divided
against itself, with intense rivalries and jealousies
which were none the less real because they were but
temporary and occurred in a field where ultimate
union of forces was inevitable. For a long period the
arc was dominant and supreme in the lighting branch
of the electrical industries, in all respects, whether as
to investment, employees, income, and profits, or in
respect to the manufacturing side. When the great
National Electric Light Association was formed in
1885, its organizers were the captains of arc lighting,
and not a single Edison company or licensee could be
found in its ranks, or dared to solicit membership.
The Edison companies, soon numbering about three
hundred, formed their own association--still maintained
as a separate and useful body--and the lines
were tensely drawn in a way that made it none too
easy for the Edison service to advance, or for an
impartial man to remain friendly with both sides.
But the growing popularity of incandescent lighting,
the flexibility and safety of the system, the ease with
which other electric devices for heat, power, etc.,
could be put indiscriminately on the same circuits
with the lamps, in due course rendered the old attitude
of opposition obviously foolish and untenable.
The United States Census Office statistics of 1902
show that the income from incandescent lighting by
central stations had by that time become over 52
per cent. of the total, while that from arc lighting
was less than 29; and electric-power service due to
the ease with which motors could be introduced on
incandescent circuits brought in 15 per cent. more.
Hence twenty years after the first Edison stations
were established the methods they involved could be
fairly credited with no less than 67 per cent. of all
central-station income in the country, and the
proportion has grown since then. It will be readily
understood that under these conditions the modern
lighting company supplies to its customers both
incandescent and arc lighting, frequently from the same
dynamo-electric machinery as a source of current;
and that the old feud as between the rival systems
has died out. In fact, for some years past the presidents
of the National Electric Light Association have
been chosen almost exclusively from among the managers
of the great Edison lighting companies in the
leading cities.
The other strong opposition to the incandescent
light came from the gas industry. There also the
most bitter feeling was shown. The gas manager did
not like the arc light, but it interfered only with his
street service, which was not his largest source of
income by any means. What did arouse his ire and
indignation was to find this new opponent, the little
incandescent lamp, pushing boldly into the field of
interior lighting, claiming it on a great variety of
grounds of superiority, and calmly ignoring the question
of price, because it was so much better. Newspaper
records and the pages of the technical papers
of the day show to what an extent prejudice and
passion were stirred up and the astounding degree
to which the opposition to the new light was carried.
Here again was given a most convincing demonstration
of the truth that such an addition to the
resources of mankind always carries with it unsuspected
benefits even for its enemies. In two distinct
directions the gas art was immediately helped by
Edison's work. The competition was most salutary
in the stimulus it gave to improvements in processes
for making, distributing, and using gas, so that while
vast economies have been effected at the gas works,
the customer has had an infinitely better light for
less money. In the second place, the coming of the
incandescent light raised the standard of illumination
in such a manner that more gas than ever was
wanted in order to satisfy the popular demand for
brightness and brilliancy both indoors and on the
street. The result of the operation of these two
forces acting upon it wholly from without, and from
a rival it was desired to crush, has been to increase
enormously the production and use of gas in the last
twenty-five years. It is true that the income of the
central stations is now over $300,000,000 a year, and
that isolated-plant lighting represents also a large
amount of diverted business; but as just shown, it
would obviously be unfair to regard all this as a loss
from the standpoint of gas. It is in great measure
due to new sources of income developed by electricity
for itself.
A retrospective survey shows that had the men in
control of the American gas-lighting art, in 1880, been
sufficiently far-sighted, and had they taken a broader
view of the situation, they might easily have remained
dominant in the whole field of artificial lighting by
securing the ownership of the patents and devices of
the new industry. Apparently not a single step of
that kind was undertaken, nor probably was there
a gas manager who would have agreed with Edison in
the opinion written down by him at the time in little
note-book No. 184, that gas properties were having
conferred on them an enhanced earning capacity.
It was doubtless fortunate and providential for the
electric-lighting art that in its state of immature
development it did not fall into the hands of men who
were opposed to its growth, and would not have sought
its technical perfection. It was allowed to carve out
its own career, and thus escaped the fate that is
supposed to have attended other great inventions--of
being bought up merely for purposes of suppression.
There is a vague popular notion that this happens to
the public loss; but the truth is that no discovery of
any real value is ever entirely lost. It may be retarded;
but that is all. In the case of the gas companies
and the incandescent light, many of them to
whom it was in the early days as great an irritant as
a red flag to a bull, emulated the performance of that
animal and spent a great deal of money and energy
in bellowing and throwing up dirt in the effort to
destroy the hated enemy. This was not long nor
universally the spirit shown; and to-day in hundreds
of cities the electric and gas properties are united
under the one management, which does not find it
impossible to push in a friendly and progressive way
the use of both illuminants. The most conspicuous
example of this identity of interest is given in New
York itself.
So much for the early opposition, of which there
was plenty. But it may be questioned whether
inertia is not equally to be dreaded with active ill-will.
Nothing is more difficult in the world than to get a
good many hundreds of thousands or millions of people
to do something they have never done before. A
very real difficulty in the introduction of his lamp
and lighting system by Edison lay in the absolute
ignorance of the public at large, not only as to its
merits, but as to the very appearance of the light,
Some few thousand people had gone out to Menlo
Park, and had there seen the lamps in operation at
the laboratory or on the hillsides, but they were an
insignificant proportion of the inhabitants of the
United States. Of course, a great many accounts
were written and read, but while genuine interest was
aroused it was necessarily apathetic. A newspaper
description or a magazine article may be admirably
complete in itself, with illustrations, but until some
personal experience is had of the thing described it
does not convey a perfect mental picture, nor can it
always make the desire active and insistent. Generally,
people wait to have the new thing brought to
them; and hence, as in the case of the Edison light,
an educational campaign of a practical nature is a
fundamental condition of success.
Another serious difficulty confronting Edison and
his associates was that nowhere in the world were
there to be purchased any of the appliances necessary
for the use of the lighting system. Edison had resolved
from the very first that the initial central
station embodying his various ideas should be installed
in New York City, where he could superintend
the installation personally, and then watch the operation.
Plans to that end were now rapidly maturing;
but there would be needed among many other things
--every one of them new and novel--dynamos,
switchboards, regulators, pressure and current
indicators, fixtures in great variety, incandescent
lamps, meters, sockets, small switches, underground
conductors, junction-boxes, service-boxes, manhole-
boxes, connectors, and even specially made wire.
Now, not one of these miscellaneous things was in
existence; not an outsider was sufficiently informed
about such devices to make them on order, except
perhaps the special wire. Edison therefore started
first of all a lamp factory in one of the buildings at
Menlo Park, equipped it with novel machinery and
apparatus, and began to instruct men, boys, and girls,
as they could be enlisted, in the absolutely new art,
putting Mr. Upton in charge.
With regard to the conditions attendant upon the
manufacture of the lamps, Edison says: "When we
first started the electric light we had to have a factory
for manufacturing lamps. As the Edison Light Company
did not seem disposed to go into manufacturing,
we started a small lamp factory at Menlo Park with
what money I could raise from my other inventions
and royalties, and some assistance. The lamps at
that time were costing about $1.25 each to make, so
I said to the company: `If you will give me a contract
during the life of the patents, I will make all
the lamps required by the company and deliver them
for forty cents.' The company jumped at the chance
of this offer, and a contract was drawn up. We then
bought at a receiver's sale at Harrison, New Jersey,
a very large brick factory building which had been
used as an oil-cloth works. We got it at a great bargain,
and only paid a small sum down, and the balance
on mortgage. We moved the lamp works from
Menlo Park to Harrison. The first year the lamps
cost us about $1.10 each. We sold them for forty
cents; but there were only about twenty or thirty
thousand of them. The next year they cost us about
seventy cents, and we sold them for forty. There
were a good many, and we lost more money the
second year than the first. The third year I succeeded
in getting up machinery and in changing the
processes, until it got down so that they cost somewhere
around fifty cents. I still sold them for forty
cents, and lost more money that year than any other,
because the sales were increasing rapidly. The
fourth year I got it down to thirty-seven cents, and
I made all the money up in one year that I had lost
previously. I finally got it down to twenty-two
cents, and sold them for forty cents; and they were
made by the million. Whereupon the Wall Street
people thought it was a very lucrative business, so
they concluded they would like to have it, and
bought us out.
"One of the incidents which caused a very great
cheapening was that, when we started, one of the
important processes had to be done by experts. This
was the sealing on of the part carrying the filament
into the globe, which was rather a delicate operation
in those days, and required several months of training
before any one could seal in a fair number of parts
in a day. When we got to the point where we employed
eighty of these experts they formed a union;
and knowing it was impossible to manufacture lamps
without them, they became very insolent. One instance
was that the son of one of these experts was
employed in the office, and when he was told to do
anything would not do it, or would give an insolent
reply. He was discharged, whereupon the union
notified us that unless the boy was taken back the
whole body would go out. It got so bad that the
manager came to me and said he could not stand it
any longer; something had got to be done. They
were not only more surly; they were diminishing the
output, and it became impossible to manage the
works. He got me enthused on the subject, so I
started in to see if it were not possible to do that
operation by machinery. After feeling around for
some days I got a clew how to do it. I then put men
on it I could trust, and made the preliminary machinery.
That seemed to work pretty well. I then
made another machine which did the work nicely.
I then made a third machine, and would bring in
yard men, ordinary laborers, etc., and when I could
get these men to put the parts together as well as
the trained experts, in an hour, I considered the
machine complete. I then went secretly to work
and made thirty of the machines. Up in the top
loft of the factory we stored those machines, and at
night we put up the benches and got everything all
ready. Then we discharged the office-boy. Then
the union went out. It has been out ever since.
"When we formed the works at Harrison we divided
the interests into one hundred shares or parts
at $100 par. One of the boys was hard up after a
time, and sold two shares to Bob Cutting. Up to
that time we had never paid anything; but we got
around to the point where the board declared a
dividend every Saturday night. We had never declared
a dividend when Cutting bought his shares,
and after getting his dividends for three weeks in
succession, he called up on the telephone and wanted
to know what kind of a concern this was that paid
a weekly dividend. The works sold for $1,085,000."
Incidentally it may be noted, as illustrative of the
problems brought to Edison, that while he had the
factory at Harrison an importer in the Chinese trade
went to him and wanted a dynamo to be run by
hand power. The importer explained that in China
human labor was cheaper than steam power. Edison
devised a machine to answer the purpose, and put
long spokes on it, fitted it up, and shipped it to
China. He has not, however, heard of it since.
For making the dynamos Edison secured, as noted
in the preceding chapter, the Roach Iron Works on
Goerck Street, New York, and this was also equipped.
A building was rented on Washington Street, where
machinery and tools were put in specially designed
for making the underground tube conductors and
their various paraphernalia; and the faithful John
Kruesi was given charge of that branch of production.
To Sigmund Bergmann, who had worked previously
with Edison on telephone apparatus and phonographs,
and was already making Edison specialties
in a small way in a loft on Wooster Street, New York,
was assigned the task of constructing sockets, fixtures,
meters, safety fuses, and numerous other
details.
Thus, broadly, the manufacturing end of the problem
of introduction was cared for. In the early part
of 1881 the Edison Electric Light Company leased
the old Bishop mansion at 65 Fifth Avenue, close to
Fourteenth Street, for its headquarters and show-
rooms. This was one of the finest homes in the
city of that period, and its acquisition was a premonitory
sign of the surrender of the famous residential
avenue to commerce. The company needed
not only offices, but, even more, such an interior as
would display to advantage the new light in everyday
use; and this house with its liberal lines, spacious
halls, lofty ceilings, wide parlors, and graceful, winding
stairway was ideal for the purpose. In fact, in
undergoing this violent change, it did not cease to
be a home in the real sense, for to this day many
an Edison veteran's pulse is quickened by some
chance reference to "65," where through many years
the work of development by a loyal and devoted
band of workers was centred. Here Edison and a
few of his assistants from Menlo Park installed
immediately in the basement a small generating plant,
at first with a gas-engine which was not successful,
and then with a Hampson high-speed engine and
boiler, constituting a complete isolated plant. The
building was wired from top to bottom, and equipped
with all the appliances of the art. The experience
with the little gas-engine was rather startling. "At
an early period at `65' we decided," says Edison, "to
light it up with the Edison system, and put a gas-
engine in the cellar, using city gas. One day it was
not going very well, and I went down to the man in
charge and got exploring around. Finally I opened
the pedestal--a storehouse for tools, etc. We had
an open lamp, and when we opened the pedestal, it
blew the doors off, and blew out the windows, and
knocked me down, and the other man."
For the next four or five years "65" was a veritable
beehive, day and night. The routine was very much
the same as that at the laboratory, in its utter neglect
of the clock. The evenings were not only devoted to
the continuance of regular business, but the house
was thrown open to the public until late at night,
never closing before ten o'clock, so as to give everybody
who wished an opportunity to see that great
novelty of the time--the incandescent light--whose
fame had meanwhile been spreading all over the
globe. The first year, 1881, was naturally that which
witnessed the greatest rush of visitors; and the
building hardly ever closed its doors till midnight.
During the day business was carried on under great
stress, and Mr. Insull has described how Edison was
to be found there trying to lead the life of a man of
affairs in the conventional garb of polite society,
instead of pursuing inventions and researches in his
laboratory. But the disagreeable ordeal could not
be dodged. After the experience Edison could never
again be tempted to quit his laboratory and work
for any length of time; but in this instance there were
some advantages attached to the sacrifice, for the
crowds of lion-hunters and people seeking business
arrangements would only have gone out to Menlo
Park; while, on the other hand, the great plans for
lighting New York demanded very close personal
attention on the spot.
As it was, not only Edison, but all the company's
directors, officers, and employees, were kept busy
exhibiting and explaining the light. To the public
of that day, when the highest known form of house
illuminant was gas, the incandescent lamp, with its
ability to burn in any position, its lack of heat so
that you could put your hand on the brilliant glass
globe; the absence of any vitiating effect on the
atmosphere, the obvious safety from fire; the curious
fact that you needed no matches to light it, and
that it was under absolute control from a distance--
these and many other features came as a distinct
revelation and marvel, while promising so much
additional comfort, convenience, and beauty in the
home, that inspection was almost invariably followed
by a request for installation.
The camaraderie that existed at this time was very
democratic, for all were workers in a common cause;
all were enthusiastic believers in the doctrine they
proclaimed, and hoped to profit by the opening up
of the new art. Often at night, in the small hours,
all would adjourn for refreshments to a famous resort
nearby, to discuss the events of to-day and to-
morrow, full of incident and excitement. The easy
relationship of the time is neatly sketched by Edison
in a humorous complaint as to his inability to keep
his own cigars: "When at `65' I used to have in my
desk a box of cigars. I would go to the box four or
five times to get a cigar, but after it got circulated
about the building, everybody would come to get
my cigars, so that the box would only last about a
day and a half. I was telling a gentleman one day
that I could not keep a cigar. Even if I locked them
up in my desk they would break it open. He suggested
to me that he had a friend over on Eighth
Avenue who made a superior grade of cigars, and
who would show them a trick. He said he would
have some of them made up with hair and old paper,
and I could put them in without a word and see the
result. I thought no more about the matter. He
came in two or three months after, and said: `How
did that cigar business work?' I didn't remember
anything about it. On coming to investigate, it
appeared that the box of cigars had been delivered
and had been put in my desk, and I had smoked
them all! I was too busy on other things to notice."
It was no uncommon sight to see in the parlors in
the evening John Pierpont Morgan, Norvin Green,
Grosvenor P. Lowrey, Henry Villard, Robert L.
Cutting, Edward D. Adams, J. Hood Wright, E. G.
Fabbri, R. M. Galloway, and other men prominent in
city life, many of them stock-holders and directors;
all interested in doing this educational work. Thousands
of persons thus came--bankers, brokers, lawyers,
editors, and reporters, prominent business men,
electricians, insurance experts, under whose searching
and intelligent inquiries the facts were elicited, and
general admiration was soon won for the system,
which in advance had solved so many new problems.
Edison himself was in universal request and the subject
of much adulation, but altogether too busy and
modest to be spoiled by it. Once in a while he felt
it his duty to go over the ground with scientific
visitors, many of whom were from abroad, and discuss
questions which were not simply those of technique,
but related to newer phenomena, such as the
action of carbon, the nature and effects of high
vacua; the principles of electrical subdivision; the
value of insulation, and many others which, unfortu-
nate to say, remain as esoteric now as they were then,
ever fruitful themes of controversy.
Speaking of those days or nights, Edison says:
"Years ago one of the great violinists was Remenyi.
After his performances were over he used to come
down to `65' and talk economics, philosophy, moral
science, and everything else. He was highly educated
and had great mental capacity. He would talk with
me, but I never asked him to bring his violin. One
night he came with his violin, about twelve o'clock.
I had a library at the top of the house, and Remenyi
came up there. He was in a genial humor, and played
the violin for me for about two hours--$2000 worth.
The front doors were closed, and he walked up and
down the room as he played. After that, every time
he came to New York he used to call at `65' late at
night with his violin. If we were not there, he could
come down to the slums at Goerck Street, and would
play for an hour or two and talk philosophy. I would
talk for the benefit of his music. Henry E. Dixey,
then at the height of his `Adonis' popularity, would
come in in those days, after theatre hours, and would
entertain us with stories--1882-84. Another visitor
who used to give us a good deal of amusement and
pleasure was Captain Shaw, the head of the London
Fire Brigade. He was good company. He would
go out among the fire-laddies and have a great time.
One time Robert Lincoln and Anson Stager, of the
Western Union, interested in the electric light, came
on to make some arrangement with Major Eaton,
President of the Edison Electric Light Company.
They came to `65' in the afternoon, and Lincoln com-
menced telling stories--like his father. They told
stories all the afternoon, and that night they left for
Chicago. When they got to Cleveland, it dawned
upon them that they had not done any business, so
they had to come back on the next train to New York
to transact it. They were interested in the Chicago
Edison Company, now one of the largest of the
systems in the world. Speaking of telling stories, I
once got telling a man stories at the Harrison lamp
factory, in the yard, as he was leaving. It was
winter, and he was all in furs. I had nothing on to
protect me against the cold. I told him one story
after the other--six of them. Then I got pleurisy,
and had to be shipped to Florida for cure."
The organization of the Edison Electric Light Company
went back to 1878; but up to the time of leasing
65 Fifth Avenue it had not been engaged in actual
business. It had merely enjoyed the delights of
anxious anticipation, and the perilous pleasure of
backing Edison's experiments. Now active exploitation
was required. Dr. Norvin Green, the well-known
President of the Western Union Telegraph Company,
was president also of the Edison Company, but the
pressing nature of his regular duties left him no
leisure for such close responsible management as was
now required. Early in 1881 Mr. Grosvenor P.
Lowrey, after consultation with Mr. Edison, prevailed
upon Major S. B. Eaton, the leading member
of a very prominent law firm in New York, to
accept the position of vice-president and general
manager of the company, in which, as also in some
of the subsidiary Edison companies, and as presi-
dent, he continued actively and energetically for
nearly four years, a critical, formative period in which
the solidity of the foundation laid is attested by the
magnitude and splendor of the superstructure.
The fact that Edison conferred at this point with
Mr. Lowrey should, perhaps, be explained in justice
to the distinguished lawyer, who for so many years
was the close friend of the inventor, and the chief
counsel in all the tremendous litigation that followed
the effort to enforce and validate the Edison patents.
As in England Mr. Edison was fortunate in securing
the legal assistance of Sir Richard Webster, afterward
Lord Chief Justice of England, so in America it
counted greatly in his favor to enjoy the advocacy
of such a man as Lowrey, prominent among the famous
leaders of the New York bar. Born in Massachusetts,
Mr. Lowrey, in his earlier days of straitened
circumstances, was accustomed to defray some portion
of his educational expenses by teaching music
in the Berkshire villages, and by a curious coincidence
one of his pupils was F. L. Pope, later Edison's
partner for a time. Lowrey went West to "Bleeding
Kansas" with the first Governor, Reeder, and both
were active participants in the exciting scenes of the
"Free State" war until driven away in 1856, like
many other free-soilers, by the acts of the "Border
Ruffian" legislature. Returning East, Mr. Lowrey
took up practice in New York, soon becoming eminent
in his profession, and upon the accession of William
Orton to the presidency of the Western Union Telegraph
Company in 1866, he was appointed its general
counsel, the duties of which post he discharged for
fifteen years. One of the great cases in which he
thus took a leading and distinguished part was that
of the quadruplex telegraph; and later he acted as
legal adviser to Henry Villard in his numerous
grandiose enterprises. Lowrey thus came to know
Edison, to conceive an intense admiration for him,
and to believe in his ability at a time when others
could not detect the fire of genius smouldering beneath
the modest exterior of a gaunt young operator
slowly "finding himself." It will be seen that Mr
Lowrey was in a peculiarly advantageous position to
make his convictions about Edison felt, so that it was
he and his friends who rallied quickly to the new
banner of discovery, and lent to the inventor the aid
that came at a critical period. In this connection it
may be well to quote an article that appeared at the
time of Mr. Lowrey's death, in 1893: "One of the
most important services which Mr. Lowrey has ever
performed was in furnishing and procuring the necessary
financial backing for Thomas A. Edison in bringing
out and perfecting his system of incandescent
lighting. With characteristic pertinacity, Mr. Lowrey
stood by the inventor through thick and thin, in spite
of doubt, discouragement, and ridicule, until at last
success crowned his efforts. In all the litigation
which has resulted from the wide-spread infringements
of the Edison patents, Mr. Lowrey has ever
borne the burden and heat of the day, and perhaps
in no other field has he so personally distinguished
himself as in the successful advocacy of the claims of
Edison to the invention of the incandescent lamp
and everything "hereunto pertaining."
This was the man of whom Edison had necessarily
to make a confidant and adviser, and who supplied
other things besides the legal direction and financial
alliance, by his knowledge of the world and of affairs.
There were many vital things to be done in the
exploitation of the system that Edison simply could
not and would not do; but in Lowrey's savoir faire,
ready wit and humor, chivalry of devotion, graceful
eloquence, and admirable equipoise of judgment were
all the qualities that the occasion demanded and that
met the exigencies.
We are indebted to Mr. Insull for a graphic sketch
of Edison at this period, and of the conditions under
which work was done and progress was made: "I do
not think I had any understanding with Edison
when I first went with him as to my duties. I did
whatever he told me, and looked after all kinds of
affairs, from buying his clothes to financing his business.
I used to open the correspondence and answer
it all, sometimes signing Edison's name with my
initial, and sometimes signing my own name. If the
latter course was pursued, and I was addressing a
stranger, I would sign as Edison's private secretary.
I held his power of attorney, and signed his checks.
It was seldom that Edison signed a letter or check at
this time. If he wanted personally to send a
communication to anybody, if it was one of his close
associates, it would probably be a pencil memorandum
signed `Edison.' I was a shorthand writer, but seldom
took down from Edison's dictation, unless it was
on some technical subject that I did not understand.
I would go over the correspondence with Edison,
sometimes making a marginal note in shorthand, and
sometimes Edison would make his own notes on letters,
and I would be expected to clean up the correspondence
with Edison's laconic comments as a guide
as to the character of answer to make. It was a
very common thing for Edison to write the words
`Yes' or `No,' and this would be all I had on which
to base my answer. Edison marginalized documents
extensively. He had a wonderful ability in pointing
out the weak points of an agreement or a balance-sheet,
all the while protesting he was no lawyer or accountant;
and his views were expressed in very few words,
but in a characteristic and emphatic manner.
"The first few months I was with Edison he spent
most of the time in the office at 65 Fifth Avenue.
Then there was a great deal of trouble with the life
of the lamps there, and he disappeared from the
office and spent his time largely at Menlo Park. At
another time there was a great deal of trouble
with some of the details of construction of the
dynamos, and Edison spent a lot of time at Goerck
Street, which had been rapidly equipped with the
idea of turning out bi-polar dynamo-electric machines,
direct-connected to the engine, the first of
which went to Paris and London, while the next were
installed in the old Pearl Street station of the Edison
Electric Illuminating Company of New York, just
south of Fulton Street, on the west side of the street.
Edison devoted a great deal of his time to the
engineering work in connection with the laying out of
the first incandescent electric-lighting system in New
York. Apparently at that time--between the end
of 1881 and spring of 1882--the most serious work
was the manufacture and installation of underground
conductors in this territory. These conductors
were manufactured by the Electric Tube
Company, which Edison controlled in a shop at 65
Washington Street, run by John Kruesi. Half-round
copper conductors were used, kept in place relatively
to each other and in the tube, first of all by a heavy
piece of cardboard, and later on by a rope; and then
put in a twenty-foot iron pipe; and a combination of
asphaltum and linseed oil was forced into the pipe for
the insulation. I remember as a coincidence that the
building was only twenty feet wide. These lengths
of conductors were twenty feet six inches long, as
the half-round coppers extended three inches beyond
the drag-ends of the lengths of pipe; and in one of
the operations we used to take the length of tubing
out of the window in order to turn it around. I was
elected secretary of the Electric Tube Company, and
was expected to look after its finance; and it was in
this position that my long intimacy with John Kruesi
started."
At this juncture a large part of the correspondence
referred very naturally to electric lighting, embodying
requests for all kinds of information, catalogues,
prices, terms, etc.; and all these letters were turned
over to the lighting company by Edison for attention.
The company was soon swamped with propositions for
sale of territorial rights and with other negotiations,
and some of these were accompanied by the offer of
very large sums of money. It was the beginning of
the electric-light furor which soon rose to sensational
heights. Had the company accepted the cash offers
from various localities, it could have gathered several
millions of dollars at once into its treasury; but this
was not at all in accord with Mr. Edison's idea, which
was to prove by actual experience the commercial
value of the system, and then to license central-
station companies in large cities and towns, the parent
company taking a percentage of their capital for the
license under the Edison patents, and contracting
also for the supply of apparatus, lamps, etc. This
left the remainder of the country open for the cash
sale of plants wherever requested. His counsels prevailed,
and the wisdom of the policy adopted was seen
in the swift establishment of Edison companies in
centres of population both great and small, whose
business has ever been a constant and growing source
of income for the parent manufacturing interests.
From first to last Edison has been an exponent and
advocate of the central-station idea of distribution
now so familiar to the public mind, but still very far
from being carried out to its logical conclusion. In
this instance, demands for isolated plants for lighting
factories, mills, mines, hotels, etc., began to pour in,
and something had to be done with them. This was
a class of plant which the inquirers desired to purchase
outright and operate themselves, usually because
of remoteness from any possible source of
general supply of current. It had not been Edison's
intention to cater to this class of customer until his
broad central-station plan had been worked out, and
he has always discouraged the isolated plant within
the limits of urban circuits; but this demand was so
insistent it could not be denied, and it was deemed
desirable to comply with it at once, especially as it
was seen that the steady call for supplies and renewals
would benefit the new Edison manufacturing
plants. After a very short trial, it was found necessary
to create a separate organization for this branch
of the industry, leaving the Edison Electric Light
Company to continue under the original plan of
operation as a parent, patent-holding and licensing
company. Accordingly a new and distinct corporation
was formed called the Edison Company for
Isolated Lighting, to which was issued a special
license to sell and operate plants of a self-contained
character. As a matter of fact such work began in
advance of almost every other kind. A small plant
using the paper-carbon filament lamps was furnished
by Edison at the earnest solicitation of Mr. Henry
Villard for the steamship Columbia, in 1879, and it
is amusing to note that Mr. Upton carried the lamps
himself to the ship, very tenderly and jealously, like
fresh eggs, in a market-garden basket. The installation
was most successful. Another pioneer plant was
that equipped and started in January, 1881, for
Hinds & Ketcham, a New York firm of lithographers
and color printers, who had previously been able to
work only by day, owing to difficulties in color-
printing by artificial light. A year later they said:
"It is the best substitute for daylight we have ever
known, and almost as cheap."
Mr. Edison himself describes various instances in
which the demand for isolated plants had to be met:
"One night at `65,' " he says, "James Gordon Bennett
came in. We were very anxious to get into a printing
establishment. I had caused a printer's composing
case to be set up with the idea that if we could get
editors and publishers in to see it, we should show
them the advantages of the electric light. So ultimately
Mr. Bennett came, and after seeing the whole
operation of everything, he ordered Mr. Howland,
general manager of the Herald, to light the newspaper
offices up at once with electricity."
Another instance of the same kind deals with the
introduction of the light for purely social purposes:
"While at 65 Fifth Avenue," remarks Mr. Edison,
"I got to know Christian Herter, then the largest
decorator in the United States. He was a highly
intellectual man, and I loved to talk to him. He was
always railing against the rich people, for whom he
did work, for their poor taste. One day Mr. W. H.
Vanderbilt came to `65,' saw the light, and decided
that he would have his new house lighted with it.
This was one of the big `box houses' on upper Fifth
Avenue. He put the whole matter in the hands of
his son-in-law, Mr. H. McK. Twombly, who was then
in charge of the telephone department of the Western
Union. Twombly closed the contract with us for a
plant. Mr. Herter was doing the decoration, and it
was extraordinarily fine. After a while we got the
engines and boilers and wires all done, and the lights
in position, before the house was quite finished, and
thought we would have an exhibit of the light. About
eight o'clock in the evening we lit up, and it was very
good. Mr. Vanderbilt and his wife and some of his
daughters came in, and were there a few minutes
when a fire occurred. The large picture-gallery was
lined with silk cloth interwoven with fine metallic
thread. In some manner two wires had got crossed
with this tinsel, which became red-hot, and the whole
mass was soon afire. I knew what was the matter,
and ordered them to run down and shut off. It had
not burst into flame, and died out immediately.
Mrs. Vanderbilt became hysterical, and wanted to
know where it came from. We told her we had the
plant in the cellar, and when she learned we had a
boiler there she said she would not occupy the house.
She would not live over a boiler. We had to take
the whole installation out. The houses afterward
went onto the New York Edison system."
The art was, however, very crude and raw, and as
there were no artisans in existence as mechanics or
electricians who had any knowledge of the practice,
there was inconceivable difficulty in getting such
isolated plants installed, as well as wiring the buildings
in the district to be covered by the first central
station in New York. A night school was, therefore,
founded at Fifth Avenue, and was put in charge of
Mr. E. H. Johnson, fresh from his successes in England.
The most available men for the purpose were,
of course, those who had been accustomed to wiring
for the simpler electrical systems then in vogue--
telephones, district-messenger calls, burglar alarms,
house annunciators, etc., and a number of these
"wiremen" were engaged and instructed patiently in
the rudiments of the new art by means of a blackboard
and oral lessons. Students from the technical
schools and colleges were also eager recruits, for here
was something that promised a career, and one that was
especially alluring to youth because of its novelty.
These beginners were also instructed in general
engineering problems under the guidance of Mr. C. L.
Clarke, who was brought in from the Menlo Park
laboratory to assume charge of the engineering part
of the company's affairs. Many of these pioneer
students and workmen became afterward large and
successful contractors, or have filled positions of
distinction as managers and superintendents of central
stations. Possibly the electrical industry may not
now attract as much adventurous genius as it did
then, for automobiles, aeronautics, and other new arts
have come to the front in a quarter of a century to
enlist the enthusiasm of a younger generation of
mercurial spirits; but it is certain that at the period
of which we write, Edison himself, still under thirty-
five, was the centre of an extraordinary group of men,
full of effervescing and aspiring talent, to which he
gave glorious opportunity.
A very novel literary feature of the work was the
issuance of a bulletin devoted entirely to the Edison
lighting propaganda. Nowadays the "house organ,"
as it is called, has become a very hackneyed feature
of industrial development, confusing in its variety and
volume, and a somewhat doubtful adjunct to a highly
perfected, widely circulating periodical technical press.
But at that time, 1882, the Bulletin of the Edison
Electric Light Company, published in ordinary 12mo
form, was distinctly new in advertising and possibly
unique, as it is difficult to find anything that compared
with it. The Bulletin was carried on for some
years, until its necessity was removed by the development
of other opportunities for reaching the public;
and its pages serve now as a vivid and lively picture
of the period to which its record applies. The first
issue, of January 12, 1882, was only four pages, but
it dealt with the question of insurance; plants at
Santiago, Chili, and Rio de Janeiro; the European
Company with 3,500,000 francs subscribed; the work
in Paris, London, Strasburg, and Moscow; the laying
of over six miles of street mains in New York; a patent
decision in favor of Edison; and the size of safety
catch wire. By April of 1882, the Bulletin had
attained the respectable size of sixteen pages; and in
December it was a portly magazine of forty-eight.
Every item bears testimony to the rapid progress
being made; and by the end of 1882 it is seen that
no fewer than 153 isolated Edison plants had been
installed in the United States alone, with a capacity
of 29,192 lamps. Moreover, the New York central
station had gone into operation, starting at 3 P.M. on
September 4, and at the close of 1882 it was lighting
225 houses wired for about 5000 lamps. This epochal
story will be told in the next chapter. Most interesting
are the Bulletin notes from England, especially
in regard to the brilliant exhibition given by Mr.
E. H. Johnson at the Crystal Palace, Sydenham,
visited by the Duke and Duchess of Edinburgh, twice
by the Dukes of Westminster and Sutherland, by
three hundred members of the Gas Institute, and by
innumerable delegations from cities, boroughs, etc.
Describing this before the Royal Society of Arts,
Sir W. H. Preece, F.R.S., remarked: "Many unkind
things have been said of Mr. Edison and his promises;
perhaps no one has been severer in this direction than
myself. It is some gratification for me to announce
my belief that he has at last solved the problem he
set himself to solve, and to be able to describe to the
Society the way in which he has solved it." Before
the exhibition closed it was visited by the Prince and
Princess of Wales--now the deceased Edward VII.
and the Dowager Queen Alexandra--and the Princess
received from Mr. Johnson as a souvenir a tiny
electric chandelier fashioned like a bouquet of fern
leaves and flowers, the buds being some of the first
miniature incandescent lamps ever made.
The first item in the first Bulletin dealt with the
"Fire Question," and all through the successive issues
runs a series of significant items on the same subject.
Many of them are aimed at gas, and there are several
grim summaries of death and fires due to gas-
leaks or explosions. A tendency existed at the time
to assume that electricity was altogether safe, while
its opponents, predicating their attacks on arc-lighting
casualties, insisted it was most dangerous. Edison's
problem in educating the public was rather difficult,
for while his low-pressure, direct-current system has
always been absolutely without danger to life, there
has also been the undeniable fact that escaping
electricity might cause a fire just as a leaky water-
pipe can flood a house. The important question had
arisen, therefore, of satisfying the fire underwriters
as to the safety of the system. He had foreseen that
there would be an absolute necessity for special devices
to prevent fires from occurring by reason of
any excess of current flowing in any circuit; and several
of his earliest detail lighting inventions deal with
this subject. The insurance underwriters of New
York and other parts of the country gave a great deal
of time and study to the question through their most
expert representatives, with the aid of Edison and
his associates, other electric-light companies
cooperating; and the knowledge thus gained was
embodied in insurance rules to govern wiring for electric
lights, formulated during the latter part of 1881,
adopted by the New York Board of Fire Underwriters,
January 12, 1882, and subsequently endorsed
by other boards in the various insurance
districts. Under temporary rulings, however, a vast
amount of work had already been done, but it was
obvious that as the industry grew there would be
less and less possibility of supervision except through
such regulations, insisting upon the use of the best
devices and methods. Indeed, the direct superintendence
soon became unnecessary, owing to the increasing
knowledge and greater skill acquired by the
installing staff; and this system of education was
notably improved by a manual written by Mr. Edison
himself. Copies of this brochure are as scarce to-day
as First Folio Shakespeares, and command prices
equal to those of other American first editions. The
little book is the only known incursion of its author
into literature, if we except the brief articles he has
written for technical papers and for the magazines.
It contained what was at once a full, elaborate,
and terse explanation of a complete isolated plant,
with diagrams of various methods of connection and
operation, and a carefully detailed description of
every individual part, its functions and its
characteristics. The remarkable success of those early
years was indeed only achieved by following up with
Chinese exactness the minute and intimate methods
insisted upon by Edison as to the use of the apparatus
and devices employed. It was a curious example of
establishing standard practice while changing with
kaleidoscopic rapidity all the elements involved. He
was true to an ideal as to the pole-star, but was
incessantly making improvements in every direction.
With an iconoclasm that has often seemed ruthless
and brutal he did not hesitate to sacrifice older devices
the moment a new one came in sight that embodied
a real advance in securing effective results. The process
is heroic but costly. Nobody ever had a bigger
scrap-heap than Edison; but who dare proclaim the
process intrinsically wasteful if the losses occur in
the initial stages, and the economies in all the later
ones?
With Edison in this introduction of his lighting
system the method was ruthless, but not reckless.
At an early stage of the commercial development a
standardizing committee was formed, consisting of
the heads of all the departments, and to this body
was intrusted the task of testing and criticising all
existing and proposed devices, as well as of considering
the suggestions and complaints of workmen offered
from time to time. This procedure was fruitful in
two principal results--the education of the whole executive
force in the technical details of the system; and
a constant improvement in the quality of the Edison
installations; both contributing to the rapid growth
of the industry.
For many years Goerck Street played an important
part in Edison's affairs, being the centre of all his
manufacture of heavy machinery. But it was not
in a desirable neighborhood, and owing to the rapid
growth of the business soon became disadvantageous
for other reasons. Edison tells of his frequent visits
to the shops at night, with the escort of "Jim" Russell,
a well-known detective, who knew all the denizens
of the place: "We used to go out at night to a little,
low place, an all-night house--eight feet wide and
twenty-two feet long--where we got a lunch at two or
three o'clock in the morning. It was the toughest kind
of restaurant ever seen. For the clam chowder they
used the same four clams during the whole season,
and the average number of flies per pie was seven.
This was by actual count."
As to the shops and the locality: "The street was
lined with rather old buildings and poor tenements.
We had not much frontage. As our business increased
enormously, our quarters became too small,
so we saw the district Tammany leader and asked
him if we could not store castings and other things
on the sidewalk. He gave us permission--told us
to go ahead, and he would see it was all right. The
only thing he required for this was that when a man
was sent with a note from him asking us to give him
a job, he was to be put on. We had a hand-laborer
foreman--`Big Jim'--a very powerful Irishman, who
could lift above half a ton. When one of the Tammany
aspirants appeared, he was told to go right to
work at $1.50 per day. The next day he was told
off to lift a certain piece, and if the man could not
lift it he was discharged. That made the Tammany
man all safe. Jim could pick the piece up easily.
The other man could not, and so we let him out.
Finally the Tammany leader called a halt, as we were
running big engine lathes out on the sidewalk, and
he was afraid we were carrying it a little too far.
The lathes were worked right out in the street, and
belted through the windows of the shop."
At last it became necessary to move from Goerck
Street, and Mr. Edison gives a very interesting account
of the incidents in connection with the transfer
of the plant to Schenectady, New York: "After our
works at Goerck Street got too small, we had labor
troubles also. It seems I had rather a socialistic
strain in me, and I raised the pay of the workmen
twenty-five cents an hour above the prevailing rate
of wages, whereupon Hoe & Company, our near
neighbors, complained at our doing this. I said I
thought it was all right. But the men, having got
a little more wages, thought they would try coercion
and get a little more, as we were considered soft
marks. Whereupon they struck at a time that was
critical. However, we were short of money for pay-
rolls; and we concluded it might not be so bad after
all, as it would give us a couple of weeks to catch up.
So when the men went out they appointed a committee
to meet us; but for two weeks they could not
find us, so they became somewhat more anxious than
we were. Finally they said they would like to go
back. We said all right, and back they went. It
was quite a novelty to the men not to be able to find
us when they wanted to; and they didn't relish it at
all.
"What with these troubles and the lack of room,
we decided to find a factory elsewhere, and decided
to try the locomotive works up at Schenectady. It
seems that the people there had had a falling out
among themselves, and one of the directors had
started opposition works; but before he had completed
all the buildings and put in machinery some
compromise was made, and the works were for sale.
We bought them very reasonably and moved everything
there. These works were owned by me and
my assistants until sold to the Edison General Electric
Company. At one time we employed several thousand
men; and since then the works have been
greatly expanded.
"At these new works our orders were far in excess
of our capital to handle the business, and both Mr.
Insull and I were afraid we might get into trouble
for lack of money. Mr. Insull was then my business
manager, running the whole thing; and, therefore,
when Mr. Henry Villard and his syndicate offered to
buy us out, we concluded it was better to be sure
than be sorry; so we sold out for a large sum. Villard
was a very aggressive man with big ideas, but I
could never quite understand him. He had no sense
of humor. I remember one time we were going up
on the Hudson River boat to inspect the works, and
with us was Mr. Henderson, our chief engineer, who
was certainly the best raconteur of funny stories I
ever knew. We sat at the tail-end of the boat, and
he started in to tell funny stories. Villard could not
see a single point, and scarcely laughed at all; and
Henderson became so disconcerted he had to give it
up. It was the same way with Gould. In the early
telegraph days I remember going with him to see
Mackay in "The Impecunious Country Editor." It
was very funny, full of amusing and absurd situations;
but Gould never smiled once."
The formation of the Edison General Electric Company
involved the consolidation of the immediate
Edison manufacturing interests in electric light and
power, with a capitalization of $12,000,000, now a
relatively modest sum; but in those days the amount
was large, and the combination caused a great deal
of newspaper comment as to such a coinage of brain
power. The next step came with the creation of the
great General Electric Company of to-day, a combination
of the Edison, Thomson-Houston, and Brush
lighting interests in manufacture, which to this day
maintains the ever-growing plants at Harrison, Lynn,
and Schenectady, and there employs from twenty to
twenty-five thousand people.
CHAPTER XVI
THE FIRST EDISON CENTRAL STATION
A NOTED inventor once said at the end of a lifetime
of fighting to defend his rights, that he
found there were three stages in all great inventions:
the first, in which people said the thing could not
be done; the second, in which they said anybody
could do it; and the third, in which they said it had
always been done by everybody. In his central-
station work Edison has had very much this kind of
experience; for while many of his opponents came to
acknowledge the novelty and utility of his plans, and
gave him unstinted praise, there are doubtless others
who to this day profess to look upon him merely as
an adapter. How different the view of so eminent a
scientist as Lord Kelvin was, may be appreciated
from his remark when in later years, in reply to the
question why some one else did not invent so obvious
and simple a thing as the Feeder System, he said:
"The only answer I can think of is that no one else
was Edison."
Undaunted by the attitude of doubt and the predictions
of impossibility, Edison had pushed on until
he was now able to realize all his ideas as to the establishment
of a central station in the work that culminated
in New York City in 1882. After he had
conceived the broad plan, his ambition was to create
the initial plant on Manhattan Island, where it would
be convenient of access for watching its operation,
and where the demonstration of its practicability
would have influence in financial circles. The first
intention was to cover a district extending from
Canal Street on the north to Wall Street on the south;
but Edison soon realized that this territory was too
extensive for the initial experiment, and he decided
finally upon the district included between Wall,
Nassau, Spruce, and Ferry streets, Peck Slip and the
East River, an area nearly a square mile in extent.
One of the preliminary steps taken to enable him to
figure on such a station and system was to have men
go through this district on various days and note the
number of gas jets burning at each hour up to two or
three o'clock in the morning. The next step was to
divide the region into a number of sub-districts and
institute a house-to-house canvass to ascertain precisely
the data and conditions pertinent to the project.
When the canvass was over, Edison knew exactly
how many gas jets there were in every building in
the entire district, the average hours of burning, and
the cost of light; also every consumer of power, and
the quantity used; every hoistway to which an
electric motor could be applied; and other details too
numerous to mention, such as related to the gas itself,
the satisfaction of the customers, and the limitations
of day and night demand. All this information
was embodied graphically in large maps of the district,
by annotations in colored inks; and Edison thus
could study the question with every detail before
him. Such a reconnaissance, like that of a coming
field of battle, was invaluable, and may help give a
further idea of the man's inveterate care for the
minutiae of things.
The laboratory note-books of this period--1878-
80, more particularly--show an immense amount of
calculation by Edison and his chief mathematician,
Mr. Upton, on conductors for the distribution of current
over large areas, and then later in the district
described. With the results of this canvass before
them, the sizes of the main conductors to be laid
throughout the streets of this entire territory were
figured, block by block; and the results were then
placed on the map. These data revealed the fact
that the quantity of copper required for the main
conductors would be exceedingly large and costly;
and, if ever, Edison was somewhat dismayed. But
as usual this apparently insurmountable difficulty
only spurred him on to further effort. It was but a
short time thereafter that he solved the knotty problem
by an invention mentioned in a previous chapter.
This is known as the "feeder and main" system, for
which he signed the application for a patent on
August 4, 1880. As this invention effected a saving
of seven-eighths of the cost of the chief conductors
in a straight multiple arc system, the mains for the
first district were refigured, and enormous new maps
were made, which became the final basis of actual
installation, as they were subsequently enlarged by
the addition of every proposed junction-box, bridge
safety-catch box, and street-intersection box in the
whole area.
When this patent, after protracted fighting, was
sustained by Judge Green in 1893, the Electrical
Engineer remarked that the General Electric Company
"must certainly feel elated" because of its
importance; and the journal expressed its fear that
although the specifications and claims related only
to the maintenance of uniform pressure of current
on lighting circuits, the owners might naturally seek
to apply it also to feeders used in the electric-railway
work already so extensive. At this time, however,
the patent had only about a year of life left, owing
to the expiration of the corresponding English patent.
The fact that thirteen years had elapsed gives a vivid
idea of the ordeal involved in sustaining a patent and
the injustice to the inventor, while there is obviously
hardship to those who cannot tell from any decision
of the court whether they are infringing or not. It
is interesting to note that the preparation for hearing
this case in New Jersey was accompanied by models
to show the court exactly the method and its economy,
as worked out in comparison with what is known as
the "tree system" of circuits--the older alternative
way of doing it. As a basis of comparison, a district
of thirty-six city blocks in the form of a square was
assumed. The power station was placed at the centre
of the square; each block had sixteen consumers
using fifteen lights each. Conductors were run from
the station to supply each of the four quarters of the
district with light. In one example the "feeder"
system was used; in the other the "tree." With
these models were shown two cubes which represented
one one-hundredth of the actual quantity of
copper required for each quarter of the district by
the two-wire tree system as compared with the feeder
system under like conditions. The total weight
of copper for the four quarter districts by the tree
system was 803,250 pounds, but when the feeder
system was used it was only 128,739 pounds! This
was a reduction from $23.24 per lamp for copper
to $3.72 per lamp. Other models emphasized this
extraordinary contrast. At the time Edison was
doing this work on economizing in conductors, much
of the criticism against him was based on the assumed
extravagant use of copper implied in the obvious
"tree" system, and it was very naturally said
that there was not enough copper in the world to
supply his demands. It is true that the modern
electrical arts have been a great stimulator of copper
production, now taking a quarter of all made; yet
evidently but for such inventions as this such arts
could not have come into existence at all, or else
in growing up they would have forced copper to
starvation prices.[11]
[11] For description of feeder patent see Appendix.
It should be borne in mind that from the outset
Edison had determined upon installing underground
conductors as the only permanent and satisfactory
method for the distribution of current from central
stations in cities; and that at Menlo Park he laid out
and operated such a system with about four hundred
and twenty-five lamps. The underground system
there was limited to the immediate vicinity of the
laboratory and was somewhat crude, as well as much
less complicated than would be the network of over
eighty thousand lineal feet, which he calculated to be
required for the underground circuits in the first
district of New York City. At Menlo Park no effort
was made for permanency; no provision was needed
in regard to occasional openings of the street for
various purposes; no new customers were to be connected
from time to time to the mains, and no repairs
were within contemplation. In New York the question
of permanency was of paramount importance,
and the other contingencies were sure to arise as
well as conditions more easy to imagine than to forestall.
These problems were all attacked in a resolute,
thoroughgoing manner, and one by one solved by
the invention of new and unprecedented devices that
were adequate for the purposes of the time, and which
are embodied in apparatus of slight modification in
use up to the present day.
Just what all this means it is hard for the present
generation to imagine. New York and all the other
great cities in 1882, and for some years thereafter,
were burdened and darkened by hideous masses of
overhead wires carried on ugly wooden poles along
all the main thoroughfares. One after another rival
telegraph and telephone, stock ticker, burglar-alarm,
and other companies had strung their circuits without
any supervision or restriction; and these wires in all
conditions of sag or decay ramified and crisscrossed in
every direction, often hanging broken and loose-ended
for months, there being no official compulsion to
remove any dead wire. None of these circuits carried
dangerous currents; but the introduction of the arc
light brought an entirely new menace in the use of
pressures that were even worse than the bully of the
West who "kills on sight," because this kindred peril
was invisible, and might lurk anywhere. New poles
were put up, and the lighting circuits on them, with
but a slight insulation of cotton impregnated with
some "weather-proof" compound, straggled all over
the city exposed to wind and rain and accidental
contact with other wires, or with the metal of buildings.
So many fatalities occurred that the insulated
wire used, called "underwriters," because approved
by the insurance bodies, became jocularly known as
"undertakers," and efforts were made to improve its
protective qualities. Then came the overhead circuits
for distributing electrical energy to motors for
operating elevators, driving machinery, etc., and
these, while using a lower, safer potential, were
proportionately larger. There were no wires underground.
Morse had tried that at the very beginning of electrical
application, in telegraphy, and all agreed that
renewals of the experiment were at once costly and
foolish. At last, in cities like New York, what may
be styled generically the "overhead system" of wires
broke down under its own weight; and various
methods of underground conductors were tried, hastened
in many places by the chopping down of poles
and wires as the result of some accident that stirred
the public indignation. One typical tragic scene was
that in New York, where, within sight of the City
Hall, a lineman was killed at his work on the arc
light pole, and his body slowly roasted before the gaze
of the excited populace, which for days afterward
dropped its silver and copper coin into the alms-box
nailed to the fatal pole for the benefit of his family.
Out of all this in New York came a board of electrical
control, a conduit system, and in the final analysis
the Public Service Commission, that is credited to
Governor Hughes as the furthest development of
utility corporation control.
The "road to yesterday" back to Edison and his
insistence on underground wires is a long one, but
the preceding paragraph traces it. Even admitting
that the size and weight of his low-tension conductors
necessitated putting them underground, this argues
nothing against the propriety and sanity of his
methods. He believed deeply and firmly in the
analogy between electrical supply and that for water
and gas, and pointed to the trite fact that nobody
hoisted the water and gas mains into the air on stilts,
and that none of the pressures were inimical to human
safety. The arc-lighting methods were unconsciously
and unwittingly prophetic of the latter-day
long-distance transmissions at high pressure that,
electrically, have placed the energy of Niagara at
the command of Syracuse and Utica, and have put
the power of the falling waters of the Sierras at the
disposal of San Francisco, two hundred miles away.
But within city limits overhead wires, with such
space-consuming potentials, are as fraught with
mischievous peril to the public as the dynamite stored
by a nonchalant contractor in the cellar of a schoolhouse.
As an offset, then, to any tendency to depreciate
the intrinsic value of Edison's lighting work,
let the claim be here set forth modestly and subject
to interference, that he was the father of under-
ground wires in America, and by his example outlined
the policy now dominant in every city of the
first rank. Even the comment of a cynic in regard
to electrical development may be accepted: "Some
electrical companies wanted all the air; others apparently
had use for all the water; Edison only asked
for the earth."
The late Jacob Hess, a famous New York Republican
politician, was a member of the commission
appointed to put the wires underground in New York
City, in the "eighties." He stated that when the
commission was struggling with the problem, and
examining all kinds of devices and plans, patented
and unpatented, for which fabulous sums were often
asked, the body turned to Edison in its perplexity
and asked for advice. Edison said: "All you have
to do, gentlemen, is to insulate your wires, draw them
through the cheapest thing on earth--iron pipe--run
your pipes through channels or galleries under the
street, and you've got the whole thing done." This
was practically the system adopted and in use to
this day. What puzzled the old politician was that
Edison would accept nothing for his advice.
Another story may also be interpolated here as to
the underground work done in New York for the first
Edison station. It refers to the "man higher up,"
although the phrase had not been coined in those days
of lower public morality. That a corporation should
be "held up" was accepted philosophically by the
corporation as one of the unavoidable incidents of its
business; and if the corporation "got back" by securing
some privilege without paying for it, the public
was ready to condone if not applaud. Public utilities
were in the making, and no one in particular had a
keen sense of what was right or what was wrong, in
the hard, practical details of their development. Edison
tells this illuminating story: "When I was laying
tubes in the streets of New York, the office received
notice from the Commissioner of Public Works to
appear at his office at a certain hour. I went up
there with a gentleman to see the Commissioner,
H. O. Thompson. On arrival he said to me: `You
are putting down these tubes. The Department of
Public Works requires that you should have five inspectors
to look after this work, and that their salary
shall be $5 per day, payable at the end of each week.
Good-morning.' I went out very much crestfallen,
thinking I would be delayed and harassed in the work
which I was anxious to finish, and was doing night
and day. We watched patiently for those inspectors
to appear. The only appearance they made was to
draw their pay Saturday afternoon."
Just before Christmas in 1880--December 17--as
an item for the silk stocking of Father Knickerbocker
--the Edison Electric Illuminating Company of New
York was organized. In pursuance of the policy adhered
to by Edison, a license was issued to it for the
exclusive use of the system in that territory--Manhattan
Island--in consideration of a certain sum of
money and a fixed percentage of its capital in stock
for the patent rights. Early in 1881 it was altogether
a paper enterprise, but events moved swiftly as narrated
already, and on June 25, 1881, the first "Jumbo"
prototype of the dynamo-electric machines to gen-
erate current at the Pearl Street station was put
through its paces before being shipped to Paris to
furnish new sensations to the flaneur of the boulevards.
A number of the Edison officers and employees
assembled at Goerck Street to see this "gigantic"
machine go into action, and watched its performance
with due reverence all through the night until five
o'clock on Sunday morning, when it respected the
conventionalities by breaking a shaft and suspending
further tests. After this dynamo was shipped
to France, and its successors to England for the Holborn
Viaduct plant, Edison made still further improvements
in design, increasing capacity and economy,
and then proceeded vigorously with six machines for
Pearl Street.
An ideal location for any central station is at the
very centre of the district served. It may be questioned
whether it often goes there. In the New York
first district the nearest property available was a
double building at Nos. 255 and 257 Pearl Street,
occupying a lot so by 100 feet. It was four stories
high, with a fire-wall dividing it into two equal parts.
One of these parts was converted for the uses of the
station proper, and the other was used as a tube-shop
by the underground construction department, as well
as for repair-shops, storage, etc. Those were the days
when no one built a new edifice for station purposes;
that would have been deemed a fantastic extravagance.
One early station in New York for arc lighting
was an old soap-works whose well-soaked floors did
not need much additional grease to render them
choice fuel for the inevitable flames. In this Pearl
Street instance, the building, erected originally for
commercial uses, was quite incapable of sustaining
the weight of the heavy dynamos and steam-engines
to be installed on the second floor; so the old flooring
was torn out and a new one of heavy girders supported
by stiff columns was substituted. This heavy construction,
more familiar nowadays, and not unlike
the supporting metal structure of the Manhattan
Elevated road, was erected independent of the enclosing
walls, and occupied the full width of 257 Pearl
Street, and about three-quarters of its depth. This
change in the internal arrangements did not at all
affect the ugly external appearance, which did little to
suggest the stately and ornate stations since put up
by the New York Edison Company, the latest occupying
whole city blocks.
Of this episode Edison gives the following account:
"While planning for my first New York station--
Pearl Street--of course, I had no real estate, and
from lack of experience had very little knowledge of
its cost in New York; so I assumed a rather large,
liberal amount of it to plan my station on. It
occurred to me one day that before I went too far with
my plans I had better find out what real estate was
worth. In my original plan I had 200 by 200 feet.
I thought that by going down on a slum street near
the water-front I would get some pretty cheap property.
So I picked out the worst dilapidated street
there was, and found I could only get two buildings,
each 25 feet front, one 100 feet deep and the other
85 feet deep. I thought about $10,000 each would
cover it; but when I got the price I found that they
wanted $75,000 for one and $80,000 for the other.
Then I was compelled to change my plans and go upward
in the air where real estate was cheap. I
cleared out the building entirely to the walls and
built my station of structural ironwork, running it
up high."
Into this converted structure was put the most
complete steam plant obtainable, together with all
the mechanical and engineering adjuncts bearing
upon economical and successful operation. Being in
a narrow street and a congested district, the plant
needed special facilities for the handling of coal and
ashes, as well as for ventilation and forced draught.
All of these details received Mr. Edison's personal
care and consideration on the spot, in addition to the
multitude of other affairs demanding his thought.
Although not a steam or mechanical engineer, his
quick grasp of principles and omnivorous reading had
soon supplied the lack of training; nor had he forgotten
the practical experience picked up as a boy
on the locomotives of the Grand Trunk road. It is
to be noticed as a feature of the plant, in common
with many of later construction, that it was placed
well away from the water's edge, and equipped with
non-condensing engines; whereas the modern plant
invariably seeks the bank of a river or lake for the
purpose of a generous supply of water for its
condensing engines or steam-turbines. These are among
the refinements of practice coincidental with the advance
of the art.
At the award of the John Fritz gold medal in April,
1909, to Charles T. Porter for his work in advancing
the knowledge of steam-engineering, and for improvements
in engine construction, Mr. Frank J. Sprague
spoke on behalf of the American Institute of Electrical
Engineers of the debt of electricity to the high-speed
steam-engine. He recalled the fact that at the
French Exposition of 1867 Mr. Porter installed two
Porter-Allen engines to drive electric alternating-current
generators for supplying current to primitive
lighthouse apparatus. While the engines were not
directly coupled to the dynamos, it was a curious
fact that the piston speeds and number of revolutions
were what is common to-day in isolated direct-coupled
plants. In the dozen years following Mr. Porter built
many engines with certain common characteristics--
i.e., high piston speed and revolutions, solid engine
bed, and babbitt-metal bearings; but there was no
electric driving until 1880, when Mr. Porter installed
a high-speed engine for Edison at his laboratory in
Menlo Park. Shortly after this he was invited to
construct for the Edison Pearl Street station the first
of a series of engines for so-called "steam-dynamos,"
each independently driven by a direct-coupled engine.
Mr. Sprague compared the relations thus established
between electricity and the high-speed engine not to
those of debtor and creditor, but rather to those of
partners--an industrial marriage--one of the most
important in the engineering world. Here were two
machines destined to be joined together, economizing
space, enhancing economy, augmenting capacity, reducing
investment, and increasing dividends.
While rapid progress was being made in this and
other directions, the wheels of industry were hum-
ming merrily at the Edison Tube Works, for over
fifteen miles of tube conductors were required for the
district, besides the boxes to connect the network at
the street intersections, and the hundreds of junction
boxes for taking the service conductors into each of
the hundreds of buildings. In addition to the
immense amount of money involved, this specialized
industry required an enormous amount of experiment,
as it called for the development of an entirely
new art. But with Edison's inventive fertility--if
ever there was a cross-fertilizer of mechanical ideas
it is he--and with Mr. Kruesi's never-failing patience
and perseverance applied to experiment and evolution,
rapid progress was made. A franchise having
been obtained from the city, the work of laying the
underground conductors began in the late fall of
1881, and was pushed with almost frantic energy. It
is not to be supposed, however, that the Edison tube
system had then reached a finality of perfection in
the eyes of its inventor. In his correspondence with
Kruesi, as late as 1887, we find Edison bewailing the
inadequacy of the insulation of the conductors under
twelve hundred volts pressure, as for example:
"Dear Kruesi,--There is nothing wrong with your
present compound. It is splendid. The whole
trouble is air-bubbles. The hotter it is poured the
greater the amount of air-bubbles. At 212 it can
be put on rods and there is no bubble. I have a man
experimenting and testing all the time. Until I get
at the proper method of pouring and getting rid of
the air-bubbles, it will be waste of time to experiment
with other asphalts. Resin oil distils off easily. It
may answer, but paraffine or other similar substances
must be put in to prevent brittleness, One thing is
certain, and that is, everything must be poured in
layers, not only the boxes, but the tubes. The tube
itself should have a thin coating. The rope should
also have a coating. The rods also. The whole lot,
rods and rope, when ready for tube, should have
another coat, and then be placed in tube and filled.
This will do the business." Broad and large as a
continent in his ideas, if ever there was a man of
finical fussiness in attention to detail, it is Edison.
A letter of seven pages of about the same date in
1887 expatiates on the vicious troubles caused by the
air-bubble, and remarks with fine insight into the
problems of insulation and the idea of layers of it:
"Thus you have three separate coatings, and it is
impossible an air-hole in one should match the
other."
To a man less thorough and empirical in method
than Edison, it would have been sufficient to have
made his plans clear to associates or subordinates
and hold them responsible for accurate results. No
such vicarious treatment would suit him, ready as he
has always been to share the work where he could
give his trust. In fact he realized, as no one else
did at this stage, the tremendous import of this
novel and comprehensive scheme for giving the world
light; and he would not let go, even if busy to the
breaking-point. Though plunged in a veritable maelstrom
of new and important business interests, and
though applying for no fewer than eighty-nine patents
in 1881, all of which were granted, he superintended
on the spot all this laying of underground conductors
for the first district. Nor did he merely stand around
and give orders. Day and night he actually worked
in the trenches with the laborers, amid the dirt and
paving-stones and hurry-burly of traffic, helping to
lay the tubes, filling up junction-boxes, and taking
part in all the infinite detail. He wanted to know
for himself how things went, why for some occult
reason a little change was necessary, what improvement
could be made in the material. His hours of
work were not regulated by the clock, but lasted until
he felt the need of a little rest. Then he would go
off to the station building in Pearl Street, throw an
overcoat on a pile of tubes, lie down and sleep for a
few hours, rising to resume work with the first gang.
There was a small bedroom on the third floor of the
station available for him, but going to bed meant
delay and consumed time. It is no wonder that
such impatience, such an enthusiasm, drove the work
forward at a headlong pace.
Edison says of this period: "When we put down
the tubes in the lower part of New York, in the
streets, we kept a big stock of them in the cellar of
the station at Pearl Street. As I was on all the time,
I would take a nap of an hour or so in the daytime--
any time--and I used to sleep on those tubes in the
cellar. I had two Germans who were testing there,
and both of them died of diphtheria, caught in the
cellar, which was cold and damp. It never affected
me."
It is worth pausing just a moment to glance at this
man taking a fitful rest on a pile of iron pipe in a
dingy building. His name is on the tip of the world's
tongue. Distinguished scientists from every part of
Europe seek him eagerly. He has just been decorated
and awarded high honors by the French Government.
He is the inventor of wonderful new apparatus, and
the exploiter of novel and successful arts. The magic
of his achievements and the rumors of what is being
done have caused a wild drop in gas securities, and a
sensational rise in his own electric-light stock from
$100 to $3500 a share. Yet these things do not at
all affect his slumber or his democratic simplicity,
for in that, as in everything else, he is attending
strictly to business, "doing the thing that is next
to him."
Part of the rush and feverish haste was due to the
approach of frost, which, as usual in New York, suspended
operations in the earth; but the laying of
the conductors was resumed promptly in the spring
of 1882; and meantime other work had been advanced.
During the fall and winter months two
more "Jumbo" dynamos were built and sent to
London, after which the construction of six for New
York was swiftly taken in hand. In the month of
May three of these machines, each with a capacity of
twelve hundred incandescent lamps, were delivered
at Pearl Street and assembled on the second floor.
On July 5th--owing to the better opportunity for
ceaseless toil given by a public holiday--the construction
of the operative part of the station was so
far completed that the first of the dynamos was
operated under steam; so that three days later the
satisfactory experiment was made of throwing its
flood of electrical energy into a bank of one thousand
lamps on an upper floor. Other tests followed in due
course. All was excitement. The field-regulating
apparatus and the electrical-pressure indicator--first
of its kind--were also tested, and in turn found
satisfactory. Another vital test was made at this time--
namely, of the strength of the iron structure itself
on which the plant was erected. This was done by
two structural experts; and not till he got their report
as to ample factors of safety was Edison reassured
as to this detail.
A remark of Edison, familiar to all who have
worked with him, when it is reported to him that
something new goes all right and is satisfactory from
all points of view, is: "Well, boys, now let's find the
bugs," and the hunt for the phylloxera begins with
fiendish, remorseless zest. Before starting the plant
for regular commercial service, he began personally
a series of practical experiments and tests to ascertain
in advance what difficulties would actually
arise in practice, so that he could provide remedies
or preventives. He had several cots placed in the
adjoining building, and he and a few of his most
strenuous assistants worked day and night, leaving
the work only for hurried meals and a snatch of
sleep. These crucial tests, aiming virtually to break
the plant down if possible within predetermined
conditions, lasted several weeks, and while most valuable
in the information they afforded, did not hinder
anything, for meantime customers' premises throughout
the district were being wired and supplied with lamps
and meters.
On Monday, September 4, 1882, at 3 o'clock, P.M.,
Edison realized the consummation of his broad and
original scheme. The Pearl Street station was officially
started by admitting steam to the engine of one of
the "Jumbos," current was generated, turned into
the network of underground conductors, and was
transformed into light by the incandescent lamps that
had thus far been installed. This date and event
may properly be regarded as historical, for they mark
the practical beginning of a new art, which in the
intervening years has grown prodigiously, and is still
increasing by leaps and bounds.
Everything worked satisfactorily in the main.
There were a few mechanical and engineering annoyances
that might naturally be expected to arise in a
new and unprecedented enterprise; but nothing of
sufficient moment to interfere with the steady and
continuous supply of current to customers at all
hours of the day and night. Indeed, once started,
this station was operated uninterruptedly for eight
years with only insignificant stoppage.
It will have been noted by the reader that there
was nothing to indicate rashness in starting up the
station, as only one dynamo was put in operation.
Within a short time, however, it was deemed desirable
to supply the underground network with more current,
as many additional customers had been connected
and the demand for the new light was increasing
very rapidly. Although Edison had successfully
operated several dynamos in multiple arc two
years before--i.e., all feeding current together into
the same circuits--there was not, at this early period
of experience, any absolute certainty as to what
particular results might occur upon the throwing of
the current from two or more such massive dynamos
into a great distributing system. The sequel showed
the value of Edison's cautious method in starting the
station by operating only a single unit at first.
He decided that it would be wise to make the trial
operation of a second "Jumbo" on a Sunday, when
business houses were closed in the district, thus
obviating any danger of false impressions in the public
mind in the event of any extraordinary manifestations.
The circumstances attending the adding of
a second dynamo are thus humorously described by
Edison: "My heart was in my mouth at first, but
everything worked all right.... Then we started another
engine and threw them in parallel. Of all the
circuses since Adam was born, we had the worst
then! One engine would stop, and the other would
run up to about a thousand revolutions, and then
they would see-saw. The trouble was with the governors.
When the circus commenced, the gang that
was standing around ran out precipitately, and I
guess some of them kept running for a block or two.
I grabbed the throttle of one engine, and E. H. Johnson,
who was the only one present to keep his wits,
caught hold of the other, and we shut them off."
One of the "gang" that ran, but, in this case, only to
the end of the room, afterward said: "At the time it
was a terrifying experience, as I didn't know what
was going to happen. The engines and dynamos
made a horrible racket, from loud and deep groans
to a hideous shriek, and the place seemed to be filled
with sparks and flames of all colors. It was as if the
gates of the infernal regions had been suddenly
opened."
This trouble was at once attacked by Edison in his
characteristic and strenuous way. The above experiment
took place between three and four o'clock on
a Sunday afternoon, and within a few hours he had
gathered his superintendent and men of the machine-
works and had them at work on a shafting device
that he thought would remedy the trouble. He says:
"Of course, I discovered that what had happened
was that one set was running the other as a motor.
I then put up a long shaft, connecting all the governors
together, and thought this would certainly
cure the trouble; but it didn't. The torsion of the
shaft was so great that one governor still managed
to get ahead of the others. Well, it was a serious
state of things, and I worried over it a lot. Finally
I went down to Goerck Street and got a piece of
shafting and a tube in which it fitted. I twisted the
shafting one way and the tube the other as far as I
could, and pinned them together. In this way, by
straining the whole outfit up to its elastic limit in
opposite directions, the torsion was practically
eliminated, and after that the governors ran together
all right."
Edison realized, however, that in commercial practice
this was only a temporary expedient, and that a
satisfactory permanence of results could only be
attained with more perfect engines that could be
depended upon for close and simple regulation. The
engines that were made part of the first three "Jum-
bos" placed in the station were the very best that
could be obtained at the time, and even then had
been specially designed and built for the purpose.
Once more quoting Edison on this subject: "About
that time" (when he was trying to run several dynamos
in parallel in the Pearl Street station) "I got
hold of Gardiner C. Sims, and he undertook to build
an engine to run at three hundred and fifty revolutions
and give one hundred and seventy-five horse-power.
He went back to Providence and set to work, and
brought the engine back with him to the shop. It
worked only a few minutes when it busted. That
man sat around that shop and slept in it for three
weeks, until he got his engine right and made it work
the way he wanted it to. When he reached this
period I gave orders for the engine-works to run night
and day until we got enough engines, and when all
was ready we started the engines. Then everything
worked all right.... One of these engines that Sims
built ran twenty-four hours a day, three hundred and
sixty-five days in the year, for over a year before it
stopped."[12]
[12] We quote the following interesting notes of Mr. Charles L.
Clarke on the question of see-sawing, or "hunting," as it was
afterward termed:
"In the Holborn Viaduct station the difficulty of `hunting'
was not experienced. At the time the `Jumbos' were first operated
in multiple arc, April 8, 1882, one machine was driven by
a Porter-Allen engine, and the other by an Armington & Sims engine,
and both machines were on a solid foundation. At the station
at Milan, Italy, the first `Jumbos' operated in multiple arc were
driven by Porter-Allen engines, and dash-pots were applied to the
governors. These machines were also upon a solid foundation,
and no trouble was experienced.
"At the Pearl Street station, however, the machines were sup-
ported upon long iron floor-beams, and at the high speed of 350
revolutions per minute, considerable vertical vibration was given
to the engines. And the writer is inclined to the opinion that
this vibration, acting in the same direction as the action of gravitation,
which was one of the two controlling forces in the operation
of the Porter-Allen governor, was the primary cause of the
`hunting.' In the Armington & Sims engine the controlling
forces in the operation of the governor were the centrifugal force
of revolving weights, and the opposing force of compressed springs,
and neither the action of gravitation nor the vertical vibrations
of the engine could have any sensible effect upon the governor,"
The Pearl Street station, as this first large plant
was called, made rapid and continuous growth in its
output of electric current. It started, as we have
said, on September 4, 1882, supplying about four
hundred lights to a comparatively small number of
customers. Among those first supplied was the banking
firm of Drexel, Morgan & Company, corner of
Broad and Wall streets, at the outermost limits of the
system. Before the end of December of the same year
the light had so grown in favor that it was being
supplied to over two hundred and forty customers
whose buildings were wired for over five thousand
lamps. By this time three more "Jumbos" had been
added to the plant. The output from this time forward
increased steadily up to the spring of 1884, when the
demands of the station necessitated the installation of
two additional "Jumbos" in the adjoining building,
which, with the venous improvements that had been
made in the mean time, gave the station a capacity of
over eleven thousand lamps actually in service at
any one time.
During the first three months of operating the Pearl
Street station light was supplied to customers with-
out charge. Edison had perfect confidence in his
meters, and also in the ultimate judgment of the public
as to the superiority of the incandescent electric
light as against other illuminants. He realized, however,
that in the beginning of the operation of an entirely
novel plant there was ample opportunity for
unexpected contingencies, although the greatest care
had been exercised to make everything as perfect as
possible. Mechanical defects or other unforeseen
troubles in any part of the plant or underground
system might arise and cause temporary stoppages of
operation, thus giving grounds for uncertainty which
would create a feeling of public distrust in the permanence
of the supply of light.
As to the kind of mishap that was wont to occur,
Edison tells the following story: "One afternoon,
after our Pearl Street station started, a policeman
rushed in and told us to send an electrician at once
up to the corner of Ann and Nassau streets--some
trouble. Another man and I went up. We found
an immense crowd of men and boys there and in the
adjoining streets--a perfect jam. There was a leak
in one of our junction-boxes, and on account of the
cellars extending under the street, the top soil had
become insulated. Hence, by means of this leak
powerful currents were passing through this thin
layer of moist earth. When a horse went to pass
over it he would get a very severe shock. When I
arrived I saw coming along the street a ragman with
a dilapidated old horse, and one of the boys told him
to go over on the other side of the road--which was
the place where the current leaked. When the rag-
man heard this he took that side at once. The moment
the horse struck the electrified soil he stood
straight up in the air, and then reared again; and the
crowd yelled, the policeman yelled; and the horse
started to run away. This continued until the crowd
got so serious that the policeman had to clear it out;
and we were notified to cut the current off. We got
a gang of men, cut the current off for several junction-
boxes, and fixed the leak. One man who had seen it
came to me next day and wanted me to put in apparatus
for him at a place where they sold horses. He said
he could make a fortune with it, because he could get old
nags in there and make them act like thoroughbreds."
So well had the work been planned and executed,
however, that nothing happened to hinder the continuous
working of the station and the supply of light
to customers. Hence it was decided in December,
1882, to begin charging a price for the service, and,
accordingly, Edison electrolytic meters were installed
on the premises of each customer then connected.
The first bill for lighting, based upon the
reading of one of these meters, amounted to $50.40,
and was collected on January 18, 1883, from the Ansonia
Brass and Copper Company, 17 and 19 Cliff
Street. Generally speaking, customers found that
their bills compared fairly with gas bills for
corresponding months where the same amount of light was
used, and they paid promptly and cheerfully, with
emphatic encomiums of the new light. During November,
1883, a little over one year after the station
was started, bills for lighting amounting to over $9000
were collected.
An interesting story of meter experience in the first
few months of operation of the Pearl Street station
is told by one of the "boys" who was then in position
to know the facts; "Mr. J. P. Morgan, whose firm was
one of the first customers, expressed to Mr. Edison
some doubt as to the accuracy of the meter. The
latter, firmly convinced of its correctness, suggested
a strict test by having some cards printed and hung
on each fixture at Mr. Morgan's place. On these
cards was to be noted the number of lamps in the
fixture, and the time they were turned on and off
each day for a month. At the end of that time the
lamp-hours were to be added together by one of the
clerks and figured on a basis of a definite amount per
lamp-hour, and compared with the bill that would be
rendered by the station for the corresponding period.
The results of the first month's test showed an apparent
overcharge by the Edison company. Mr. Morgan
was exultant, while Mr. Edison was still confident
and suggested a continuation of the test.
Another month's trial showed somewhat similar results.
Mr. Edison was a little disturbed, but insisted
that there was a mistake somewhere. He went down
to Drexel, Morgan & Company's office to investigate,
and, after looking around, asked when the office was
cleaned out. He was told it was done at night by
the janitor, who was sent for, and upon being interrogated
as to what light he used, said that he turned
on a central fixture containing about ten lights. It
came out that he had made no record of the time these
lights were in use. He was told to do so in future,
and another month's test was made. On comparison
with the company's bill, rendered on the meter-reading,
the meter came within a few cents of the amount
computed from the card records, and Mr. Morgan was
completely satisfied of the accuracy of the meter."
It is a strange but not extraordinary commentary
on the perversity of human nature and the lack of
correct observation, to note that even after the Pearl
Street station had been in actual operation twenty-
four hours a day for nearly three months, there
should still remain an attitude of "can't be done."
That such a scepticism still obtained is evidenced by
the public prints of the period. Edison's electric-
light system and his broad claims were freely discussed
and animadverted upon at the very time he
was demonstrating their successful application. To
show some of the feeling at the time, we reproduce
the following letter, which appeared November 29,
1882:
"To the Editor of the Sun:
"SIR,--In reading the discussions relative to the Pearl
Street station of the Edison light, I have noted that
while it is claimed that there is scarcely any loss from
leakage of current, nothing is said about the loss due to
the resistance of the long circuits. I am informed that
this is the secret of the failure to produce with the power
in position a sufficient amount of current to run all the
lamps that have been put up, and that while six, and
even seven, lights to the horse-power may be produced
from an isolated plant, the resistance of the long underground
wires reduces this result in the above case to less
than three lights to the horse-power, thus making the
cost of production greatly in excess of gas. Can the
Edison company explain this?
"INVESTIGATOR."
This was one of the many anonymous letters that
had been written to the newspapers on the subject,
and the following reply by the Edison company was
printed December 3, 1882:
"To the Editor of the Sun:
"SIR,--`Investigator' in Wednesday's Sun, says that
the Edison company is troubled at its Pearl Street station
with a `loss of current, due to the resistance of the long
circuits'; also that, whereas Edison gets `six or even
seven lights to the horse-power in isolated plants, the
resistance of the long underground wires reduces that
result in the Pearl Street station to less than three lights
to the horse-power.' Both of these statements are false.
As regards loss due to resistance, there is a well-known
law for determining it, based on Ohm's law. By use of
that law we knew in advance, that is to say, when the
original plans for the station were drawn, just what this
loss would be, precisely the same as a mechanical engineer
when constructing a mill with long lines of shafting
can forecast the loss of power due to friction. The
practical result in the Pearl Street station has fully
demonstrated the correctness of our estimate thus made
in advance. As regards our getting only three lights
per horse-power, our station has now been running three
months, without stopping a moment, day or night, and
we invariably get over six lamps per horse-power, or
substantially the same as we do in our isolated plants.
We are now lighting one hundred and ninety-three buildings,
wired for forty-four hundred lamps, of which about
two-thirds are in constant use, and we are adding
additional houses and lamps daily. These figures can be
verified at the office of the Board of Underwriters, where
certificates with full details permitting the use of our
light are filed by their own inspector. To light these
lamps we run from one to three dynamos, according to
the lamps in use at any given time, and we shall start
additional dynamos as fast as we can connect more buildings.
Neither as regards the loss due to resistance, nor
as regards the number of lamps per horse-power, is there
the slightest trouble or disappointment on the part of
our company, and your correspondent is entirely in error
is assuming that there is. Let me suggest that if `Investigator'
really wishes to investigate, and is competent
and willing to learn the exact facts, he can do
so at this office, where there is no mystery of concealment,
but, on the contrary, a strong desire to communicate
facts to intelligent inquirers. Such a method of
investigating must certainly be more satisfactory to one
honestly seeking knowledge than that of first assuming
an error as the basis of a question, and then demanding
an explanation.
"Yours very truly,
"S. B. EATON, President."
Viewed from the standpoint of over twenty-seven
years later, the wisdom and necessity of answering
anonymous newspaper letters of this kind might be
deemed questionable, but it must be remembered that,
although the Pearl Street station was working
successfully, and Edison's comprehensive plans were
abundantly vindicated, the enterprise was absolutely
new and only just stepping on the very threshold of
commercial exploitation. To enter in and possess
the land required the confidence of capital and the
general public. Hence it was necessary to maintain
a constant vigilance to defeat the insidious attacks of
carping critics and others who would attempt to
injure the Edison system by misleading statements.
It will be interesting to the modern electrician to
note that when this pioneer station was started, and
in fact for some little time afterward, there was not
a single electrical instrument in the whole station--
not a voltmeter or an ammeter! Nor was there a
central switchboard! Each dynamo had its own individual
control switch. The feeder connections were
all at the front of the building, and the general voltage
control apparatus was on the floor above. An
automatic pressure indicator had been devised and
put in connection with the main circuits. It consisted,
generally speaking, of an electromagnet with
relays connecting with a red and a blue lamp. When
the electrical pressure was normal, neither lamp was
lighted; but if the electromotive force rose above a
predetermined amount by one or two volts, the red
lamp lighted up, and the attendant at the hand-wheel
of the field regulator inserted resistance in the field
circuit, whereas, if the blue lamp lighted, resistance
was cut out until the pressure was raised to normal.
Later on this primitive indicator was supplanted by
the "Bradley Bridge," a crude form of the "Howell"
pressure indicators, which were subsequently used
for many years in the Edison stations.
Much could be added to make a complete pictorial
description of the historic Pearl Street station, but
it is not within the scope of this narrative to enter
into diffuse technical details, interesting as they may
be to many persons. We cannot close this chapter,
however, without mention of the fate of the Pearl
Street station, which continued in successful commercial
operation until January 2, 1890, when it was
partially destroyed by fire. All the "Jumbos" were
ruined, excepting No. 9, which is still a venerated
relic in the possession of the New York Edison Company.
Luckily, the boilers were unharmed. Belt-
driven generators and engines were speedily installed,
and the station was again in operation in a few days.
The uninjured "Jumbo," No. 9, again continued to
perform its duty. But in the words of Mr. Charles L.
Clarke, "the glory of the old Pearl Street station,
unique in bearing the impress of Mr. Edison's personality,
and, as it were, constructed with his own
hands, disappeared in the flame and smoke of that
Thursday morning fire."
The few days' interruption of the service was the
only serious one that has taken place in the history
of the New York Edison Company from September 4,
1882, to the present date. The Pearl Street station
was operated for some time subsequent to the fire,
but increasing demands in the mean time having led
to the construction of other stations, the mains of
the First District were soon afterward connected to
another plant, the Pearl Street station was dismantled,
and the building was sold in 1895.
The prophetic insight into the magnitude of central-
station lighting that Edison had when he was still
experimenting on the incandescent lamp over thirty
years ago is a little less than astounding, when it is
so amply verified in the operations of the New York
Edison Company (the successor of the Edison Electric
Illuminating Company of New York) and many others.
At the end of 1909 the New York Edison Company
alone was operating twenty-eight stations and substations,
having a total capacity of 159,500 kilowatts.
Connected with its lines were approximately 85,000
customers wired for 3,813,899 incandescent lamps and
nearly 225,000 horse-power through industrial electric
motors connected with the underground service.
A large quantity of electrical energy is also supplied
for heating and cooking, charging automobiles, chemical
and plating work, and various other uses.
CHAPTER XVII
OTHER EARLY STATIONS--THE METER
WE have now seen the Edison lighting system
given a complete, convincing demonstration in
Paris, London, and New York; and have noted steps
taken for its introduction elsewhere on both sides
of the Atlantic. The Paris plant, like that at the
Crystal Palace, was a temporary exhibit. The London
plant was less temporary, but not permanent,
supplying before it was torn out no fewer than
three thousand lamps in hotels, churches, stores, and
dwellings in the vicinity of Holborn Viaduct. There
Messrs. Johnson and Hammer put into practice many
of the ideas now standard in the art, and secured
much useful data for the work in New York, of
which the story has just been told.
As a matter of fact the first Edison commercial
station to be operated in this country was that at
Appleton, Wisconsin, but its only serious claim to
notice is that it was the initial one of the system
driven by water-power. It went into service August
15, 1882, about three weeks before the Pearl Street
station. It consisted of one small dynamo of a
capacity of two hundred and eighty lights of 10 c.p.
each, and was housed in an unpretentious wooden
shed. The dynamo-electric machine, though small,
was robust, for under all the varying speeds of water-
power, and the vicissitudes of the plant to which it,
belonged, it continued in active use until 1899--
seventeen years.
Edison was from the first deeply impressed with
the possibilities of water-power, and, as this incident
shows, was prompt to seize such a very early opportunity.
But his attention was in reality concentrated
closely on the supply of great centres of population,
a task which he then felt might well occupy his lifetime;
and except in regard to furnishing isolated
plants he did not pursue further the development of
hydro-electric stations. That was left to others, and
to the application of the alternating current, which
has enabled engineers to harness remote powers, and,
within thoroughly economical limits, transmit thousands
of horse-power as much as two hundred miles at
pressures of 80,000 and 100,000 volts. Owing to his
insistence on low pressure, direct current for use in
densely populated districts, as the only safe and truly
universal, profitable way of delivering electrical
energy to the consumers, Edison has been frequently
spoken of as an opponent of the alternating current.
This does him an injustice. At the time a measure
was before the Virginia legislature, in 1890, to limit
the permissible pressures of current so as to render
it safe, he said: "You want to allow high pressure
wherever the conditions are such that by no possible
accident could that pressure get into the houses of
the consumers; you want to give them all the latitude
you can." In explaining this he added: "Suppose
you want to take the falls down at Richmond,
and want to put up a water-power? Why, if we
erect a station at the falls, it is a great economy to
get it up to the city. By digging a cheap trench and
putting in an insulated cable, and connecting such
station with the central part of Richmond, having
the end of the cable come up into the station from
the earth and there connected with motors, the power
of the falls would be transmitted to these motors.
If now the motors were made to run dynamos conveying
low-pressure currents to the public, there is
no possible way whereby this high-pressure current
could get to the public." In other words, Edison
made the sharp fundamental distinction between high
pressure alternating current for transmission and low
pressure direct current for distribution; and this is
exactly the practice that has been adopted in all the
great cities of the country to-day. There seems no
good reason for believing that it will change. It
might perhaps have been altogether better for Edison,
from the financial standpoint, if he had not identified
himself so completely with one kind of current, but
that made no difference to him, as it was a matter of
conviction; and Edison's convictions are granitic.
Moreover, this controversy over the two currents,
alternating and direct, which has become historical
in the field of electricity--and is something like the
"irrepressible conflict" we heard of years ago in
national affairs--illustrates another aspect of Edison's
character. Broad as the prairies and free in thought
as the winds that sweep them, he is idiosyncratically
opposed to loose and wasteful methods, to plans of
empire that neglect the poor at the gate. Every-
thing he has done has been aimed at the conservation
of energy, the contraction of space, the intensification
of culture. Burbank and his tribe represent
in the vegetable world, Edison in the mechanical.
Not only has he developed distinctly new species,
but he has elucidated the intensive art of getting
$1200 out of an electrical acre instead of $12--a
manured market-garden inside London and a ten-
bushel exhausted wheat farm outside Lawrence,
Kansas, being the antipodes of productivity--yet
very far short of exemplifying the difference of electrical
yield between an acre of territory in Edison's
"first New York district" and an acre in some small
town.
Edison's lighting work furnished an excellent basis--
in fact, the only one--for the development of the alternating
current now so generally employed in central-
station work in America; and in the McGraw Electrical
Directory of April, 1909, no fewer than 4164 stations
out of 5780 reported its use. When the alternating
current was introduced for practical purposes it was
not needed for arc lighting, the circuit for which,
from a single dynamo, would often be twenty or
thirty miles in length, its current having a pressure
of not less than five or six thousand volts. For some
years it was not found feasible to operate motors on
alternating-current circuits, and that reason was
often urged against it seriously. It could not be
used for electroplating or deposition, nor could it
charge storage batteries, all of which are easily within
the ability of the direct current. But when it came
to be a question of lighting a scattered suburb, a
group of dwellings on the outskirts, a remote country
residence or a farm-house, the alternating current, in
all elements save its danger, was and is ideal. Its
thin wires can be carried cheaply over vast areas,
and at each local point of consumption the transformer
of size exactly proportioned to its local task
takes the high-voltage transmission current and
lowers its potential at a ratio of 20 or 40 to 1, for use
in distribution and consumption circuits. This evolution
has been quite distinct, with its own inventors
like Gaulard and Gibbs and Stanley, but came subsequent
to the work of supplying small, dense areas
of population; the art thus growing from within,
and using each new gain as a means for further
achievement.
Nor was the effect of such great advances as those
made by Edison limited to the electrical field. Every
department of mechanics was stimulated and benefited
to an extraordinary degree. Copper for the
circuits was more highly refined than ever before to
secure the best conductivity, and purity was insisted
on in every kind of insulation. Edison was intolerant
of sham and shoddy, and nothing would satisfy him
that could not stand cross-examination by microscope,
test-tube, and galvanometer. It was, perhaps,
the steam-engine on which the deepest imprint for
good was made, referred to already in the remarks
of Mr. F. J. Sprague in the preceding chapter, but
best illustrated in the perfection of the modern high-
speed engine of the Armington & Sims type. Unless
he could secure an engine of smoother running and
more exactly governed and regulated than those avail-
able for his dynamo and lamp, Edison realized that
he would find it almost impossible to give a steady
light. He did not want his customers to count the
heart-beats of the engine in the flicker of the lamp.
Not a single engine was even within gunshot of the
standard thus set up, but the emergency called forth
its man in Gardiner C. Sims, a talented draughtsman
and designer who had been engaged in locomotive
construction and in the engineering department of
the United States Navy. He may be quoted as to
what happened: "The deep interest, financial and
moral, and friendly backing I received from Mr.
Edison, together with valuable suggestions, enabled
me to bring out the engine; as I was quite alone in
the world--poor--I had found a friend who knew
what he wanted and explained it clearly. Mr. Edison
was a leader far ahead of the time. He compelled the
design of the successful engine.
"Our first engine compelled the inventing and making
of a suitable engine indicator to indicate it--the
Tabor. He obtained the desired speed and load
with a friction brake; also regulator of speed; but
waited for an indicator to verify it. Then again there
was no known way to lubricate an engine for continuous
running, and Mr. Edison informed me that as a
marine engine started before the ship left New York
and continued running until it reached its home
port, so an engine for his purposes must produce
light at all times. That was a poser to me, for a
five-hours' run was about all that had been required
up to that time.
"A day or two later Mr. Edison inquired: `How far
is it from here to Lawrence; it is a long walk, isn't it?'
`Yes, rather.' He said: `Of course you will understand
I meant without oil.' To say I was deeply perplexed
does not express my feelings. We were at
the machine works, Goerck Street. I started for the
oil-room, when, about entering, I saw a small funnel
lying on the floor. It had been stepped on and
flattened. I took it up, and it had solved the engine-
oiling problem--and my walk to Lawrence like a
tramp actor's was off! The eccentric strap had a round
glass oil-cup with a brass base that screwed into the
strap. I took it off, and making a sketch, went to
Dave Cunningham, having the funnel in my hand to
illustrate what I wanted made. I requested him to
make a sheet-brass oil-cup and solder it to the base
I had. He did so. I then had a standard made to
hold another oil-cup, so as to see and regulate the
drop-feed. On this combination I obtained a patent
which is now universally used."
It is needless to say that in due course the engine
builders of the United States developed a variety of
excellent prime movers for electric-light and power
plants, and were grateful to the art from which such
a stimulus came to their industry; but for many
years one never saw an Edison installation without
expecting to find one or more Armington & Sims high-
speed engines part of it. Though the type has gone
out of existence, like so many other things that are
useful in their day and generation, it was once a very
vital part of the art, and one more illustration of that
intimate manner in which the advances in different
fields of progress interact and co-operate.
Edison had installed his historic first great central-
station system in New York on the multiple arc system
covered by his feeder and main invention, which
resulted in a notable saving in the cost of conductors
as against a straight two-wire system throughout of
the "tree" kind. He soon foresaw that still greater
economy would be necessary for commercial success
not alone for the larger territory opening, but for the
compact districts of large cities. Being firmly convinced
that there was a way out, he pushed aside a
mass of other work, and settled down to this problem,
with the result that on November 20, 1882, only two
months after current had been sent out from Pearl
Street, he executed an application for a patent covering
what is now known as the "three-wire system."
It has been universally recognized as one of the most
valuable inventions in the history of the lighting art.[13]
Its use resulted in a saving of over 60 per cent. of copper
in conductors, figured on the most favorable basis
previously known, inclusive of those calculated under
his own feeder and main system. Such economy of
outlay being effected in one of the heaviest items of
expense in central-station construction, it was now
made possible to establish plants in towns where the
large investment would otherwise have been quite
prohibitive. The invention is in universal use today,
alike for direct and for alternating current, and
as well in the equipment of large buildings as in the
distribution system of the most extensive central-station
networks. One cannot imagine the art without it.
[13] For technical description and illustration of this invention,
see Appendix.
The strong position held by the Edison system,
under the strenuous competition that was already
springing up, was enormously improved by the
introduction of the three-wire system; and it gave an
immediate impetus to incandescent lighting. Desiring
to put this new system into practical use promptly,
and receiving applications for licenses from all
over the country, Edison selected Brockton,
Massachusetts, and Sunbury, Pennsylvania, as the two
towns for the trial. Of these two Brockton required
the larger plant, but with the conductors placed
underground. It was the first to complete its arrangements
and close its contract. Mr. Henry Villard, it
will be remembered, had married the daughter of
Garrison, the famous abolitionist, and it was through
his relationship with the Garrison family that Brockton
came to have the honor of exemplifying so soon
the principles of an entirely new art. Sunbury, however,
was a much smaller installation, employed overhead
conductors, and hence was the first to "cross the
tape." It was specially suited for a trial plant also,
in the early days when a yield of six or eight lamps
to the horse-power was considered subject for
congratulation. The town being situated in the coal
region of Pennsylvania, good coal could then be
obtained there at seventy-five cents a ton.
The Sunbury generating plant consisted of an
Armington & Sims engine driving two small Edison
dynamos having a total capacity of about four hundred
lamps of 16 c.p. The indicating instruments
were of the crudest construction, consisting of two
voltmeters connected by "pressure wires" to the
centre of electrical distribution. One ammeter, for
measuring the quantity of current output, was interpolated
in the "neutral bus" or third-wire return
circuit to indicate when the load on the two machines
was out of balance. The circuits were opened and
closed by means of about half a dozen roughly made
plug-switches.[14] The "bus-bars" to receive the
current from the dynamos were made of No. 000 copper
line wire, straightened out and fastened to the wooden
sheathing of the station by iron staples without any
presence to insulation. Commenting upon this Mr.
W. S. Andrews, detailed from the central staff, says:
"The interior winding of the Sunbury station, including
the running of two three-wire feeders the entire
length of the building from back to front, the wiring
up of the dynamos and switchboard and all instruments,
together with bus-bars, etc.--in fact, all
labor and material used in the electrical wiring
installation--amounted to the sum of $90. I received
a rather sharp letter from the New York office
expostulating for this EXTRAVAGANT EXPENDITURE, and
stating that great economy must be observed in future!"
The street conductors were of the overhead pole-line
construction, and were installed by the construction
company that had been organized by Edison to build
and equip central stations. A special type of street
pole had been devised by him for the three-wire system.
[14] By reason of the experience gained at this station through
the use of these crude plug-switches, Mr. Edison started a competition
among a few of his assistants to devise something better.
The result was the invention of a "breakdown" switch by Mr.
W. S. Andrews, which was accepted by Mr. Edison as the best of
the devices suggested, and was developed and used for a great
many years afterward.
Supplementing the story of Mr. Andrews is that of
Lieut. F. J. Sprague, who also gives a curious glimpse
of the glorious uncertainties and vicissitudes of that
formative period. Mr. Sprague served on the jury at
the Crystal Palace Exhibition with Darwin's son--
the present Sir Horace--and after the tests were
ended left the Navy and entered Edison's service at
the suggestion of Mr. E. H. Johnson, who was Edison's
shrewd recruiting sergeant in those days: "I resigned
sooner than Johnson expected, and he had
me on his hands. Meanwhile he had called upon me
to make a report of the three-wire system, known in
England as the Hopkinson, both Dr. John Hopkinson
and Mr. Edison being independent inventors at
practically the same time. I reported on that, left
London, and landed in New York on the day of the
opening of the Brooklyn Bridge in 1883--May 24--
with a year's leave of absence.
"I reported at the office of Mr. Edison on Fifth
Avenue and told him I had seen Johnson. He looked
me over and said: `What did he promise you?' I
replied: `Twenty-five hundred dollars a year.' He
did not say much, but looked it. About that time
Mr. Andrews and I came together. On July 2d of that
year we were ordered to Sunbury, and to be ready to
start the station on the fourth. The electrical work
had to be done in forty-eight hours! Having travelled
around the world, I had cultivated an indifference
to any special difficulties of that kind. Mr.
Andrews and I worked in collaboration until the
night of the third. I think he was perhaps more
appreciative than I was of the discipline of the Edison
Construction Department, and thought it would be
well for us to wait until the morning of the fourth
before we started up. I said we were sent over to
get going, and insisted on starting up on the night
of the third. We had an Armington & Sims engine
with sight-feed oiler. I had never seen one, and did
not know how it worked, with the result that we soon
burned up the babbitt metal in the bearings and spent
a good part of the night getting them in order. The
next day Mr. Edison, Mr. Insull, and the chief
engineer of the construction department appeared on
the scene and wanted to know what had happened.
They found an engine somewhat loose in the bearings,
and there followed remarks which would not look
well in print. Andrews skipped from under; he
obeyed orders; I did not. But the plant ran, and it
was the first three-wire station in this country."
Seen from yet another angle, the worries of this
early work were not merely those of the men on the
"firing line." Mr. Insull, in speaking of this period,
says: "When it was found difficult to push the central-
station business owing to the lack of confidence
in its financial success, Edison decided to go into the
business of promoting and constructing central-station
plants, and he formed what was known as the
Thomas A. Edison Construction Department, which
he put me in charge of. The organization was crude,
the steam-engineering talent poor, and owing to the
impossibility of getting any considerable capital
subscribed, the plants were put in as cheaply as
possible. I believe that this construction department
was unkindly named the `Destruction Department.'
It served its purpose; never made any money; and I
had the unpleasant task of presiding at its obsequies."
On July 4th the Sunbury plant was put into commercial
operation by Edison, and he remained a week
studying its conditions and watching for any unforeseen
difficulty that might arise. Nothing happened,
however, to interfere with the successful running of
the station, and for twenty years thereafter the same
two dynamos continued to furnish light in Sunbury.
They were later used as reserve machines, and finally,
with the engine, retired from service as part of
the "Collection of Edisonia"; but they remain in
practically as good condition as when installed in
1883.
Sunbury was also provided with the first electro-
chemical meters used in the United States outside
New York City, so that it served also to accentuate
electrical practice in a most vital respect--namely,
the measurement of the electrical energy supplied to
customers. At this time and long after, all arc
lighting was done on a "flat rate" basis. The arc
lamp installed outside a customer's premises, or in
a circuit for public street lighting, burned so many
hours nightly, so many nights in the month; and was
paid for at that rate, subject to rebate for hours
when the lamp might be out through accident. The
early arc lamps were rated to require 9 to 10 amperes
of current, at 45 volts pressure each, receiving which
they were estimated to give 2000 c.p., which was arrived
at by adding together the light found at four
different positions, so that in reality the actual light
was about 500 c.p. Few of these data were ever
actually used, however; and it was all more or less a
matter of guesswork, although the central-station
manager, aiming to give good service, would naturally
see that the dynamos were so operated as to maintain
as steadily as possible the normal potential and current.
The same loose methods applied to the early
attempts to use electric motors on arc-lighting circuits,
and contracts were made based on the size of
the motor, the width of the connecting belt, or the
amount of power the customer thought he used--
never on the measurement of the electrical energy
furnished him.
Here again Edison laid the foundation of standard
practice. It is true that even down to the present
time the flat rate is applied to a great deal of
incandescent lighting, each lamp being charged for
individually according to its probable consumption
during each month. This may answer, perhaps, in a
small place where the manager can gauge pretty
closely from actual observation what each customer
does; but even then there are elements of risk and
waste; and obviously in a large city such a method
would soon be likely to result in financial disaster to
the plant. Edison held that the electricity sold must
be measured just like gas or water, and he proceeded
to develop a meter. There was infinite scepticism
around him on the subject, and while other inventors
were also giving the subject their thought, the public
took it for granted that anything so utterly intangible
as electricity, that could not be seen or weighed, and
only gave secondary evidence of itself at the exact
point of use, could not be brought to accurate regis-
tration. The general attitude of doubt was exemplified
by the incident in Mr. J. P. Morgan's office,
noted in the last chapter. Edison, however, had
satisfied himself that there were various ways of
accomplishing the task, and had determined that the
current should be measured on the premises of every
consumer. His electrolytic meter was very successful,
and was of widespread use in America and in Europe
until the perfection of mechanical meters by Elihu
Thomson and others brought that type into general
acceptance. Hence the Edison electrolytic meter is
no longer used, despite its excellent qualities. Houston
& Kennelly in their Electricity in Everyday Life
sum the matter up as follows: "The Edison chemical
meter is capable of giving fair measurements of the
amount of current passing. By reason, however, of
dissatisfaction caused from the inability of customers
to read the indications of the meter, it has in later
years, to a great extent, been replaced by registering
meters that can be read by the customer."
The principle employed in the Edison electrolytic
meter is that which exemplifies the power of electricity
to decompose a chemical substance. In other
words it is a deposition bath, consisting of a glass cell
in which two plates of chemically pure zinc are dipped
in a solution of zinc sulphate. When the lights or
motors in the circuit are turned on, and a certain
definite small portion of the current is diverted to
flow through the meter, from the positive plate to the
negative plate, the latter increases in weight by receiving
a deposit of metallic zinc; the positive plate
meantime losing in weight by the metal thus carried
away from it. This difference in weight is a very
exact measure of the quantity of electricity, or number
of ampere-hours, that have, so to speak, passed
through the cell, and hence of the whole consumption
in the circuit. The amount thus due from the customer
is ascertained by removing the cell, washing
and drying the plates, and weighing them in a chemical
balance. Associated with this simple form of
apparatus were various ingenious details and refinements
to secure regularity of operation, freedom from
inaccuracy, and immunity from such tampering as
would permit theft of current or damage. As the
freezing of the zinc sulphate solution in cold weather
would check its operation, Edison introduced, for
example, into the meter an incandescent lamp and
a thermostat so arranged that when the temperature
fell to a certain point, or rose above another point, it
was cut in or out; and in this manner the meter
could be kept from freezing. The standard Edison
meter practice was to remove the cells once a month
to the meter-room of the central-station company
for examination, another set being substituted. The
meter was cheap to manufacture and install, and not
at all liable to get out of order.
In December, 1888, Mr. W. J. Jenks read an interesting
paper before the American Institute of Electrical
Engineers on the six years of practical experience
had up to that time with the meter, then more generally
in use than any other. It appears from the
paper that twenty-three Edison stations were then
equipped with 5187 meters, which were relied upon
for billing the monthly current consumption of
87,856 lamps and 350 motors of 1000 horse-power
total. This represented about 75 per cent. of the
entire lamp capacity of the stations. There was an
average cost per lamp for meter operation of twenty-
two cents a year, and each meter took care of an
average of seventeen lamps. It is worthy of note,
as to the promptness with which the Edison stations
became paying properties, that four of the metered
stations were earning upward of 15 per cent. on their
capital stock; three others between 8 and 10 per cent.;
eight between 5 and 8 per cent.; the others having
been in operation too short a time to show definite
results, although they also went quickly to a dividend
basis. Reports made in the discussion at the meeting
by engineers showed the simplicity and success
of the meter. Mr. C. L. Edgar, of the Boston Edison
system, stated that he had 800 of the meters in service
cared for by two men and three boys, the latter
employed in collecting the meter cells; the total cost
being perhaps $2500 a year. Mr. J. W. Lieb wrote
from Milan, Italy, that he had in use on the Edison
system there 360 meters ranging from 350 ampere-
hours per month up to 30,000.
In this connection it should be mentioned that
the Association of Edison Illuminating Companies
in the same year adopted resolutions unanimously to
the effect that the Edison meter was accurate, and
that its use was not expensive for stations above
one thousand lights; and that the best financial
results were invariably secured in a station selling
current by meter. Before the same association, at
its meeting in September, 1898, at Sault Ste. Marie,
Mr. C. S. Shepard read a paper on the meter practice
of the New York Edison Company, giving data as to
the large number of Edison meters in use and the
transition to other types, of which to-day the company
has several on its circuits: "Until October,
1896, the New York Edison Company metered its
current in consumer's premises exclusively by the
old-style chemical meters, of which there were
connected on that date 8109. It was then determined
to purchase no more." Mr. Shepard went on to
state that the chemical meters were gradually displaced,
and that on September 1, 1898, there were on
the system 5619 mechanical and 4874 chemical. The
meter continued in general service during 1899, and
probably up to the close of the century.
Mr. Andrews relates a rather humorous meter story
of those early days: "The meter man at Sunbury was
a firm and enthusiastic believer in the correctness of
the Edison meter, having personally verified its reading
many times by actual comparison of lamp-hours.
One day, on making out a customer's bill, his confidence
received a severe shock, for the meter reading
showed a consumption calling for a charge of over
$200, whereas he knew that the light actually used
should not cost more than one-quarter of that amount.
He weighed and reweighed the meter plates, and pursued
every line of investigation imaginable, but all
in vain. He felt he was up against it, and that perhaps
another kind of a job would suit him better.
Once again he went to the customer's meter to look
around, when a small piece of thick wire on the floor
caught his eye. The problem was solved. He sud-
denly remembered that after weighing the plates he
went and put them in the customer's meter; but the
wire attached to one of the plates was too long to
go in the meter, and he had cut it off. He picked up
the piece of wire, took it to the station, weighed it
carefully, and found that it accounted for about $150
worth of electricity, which was the amount of the
difference."
Edison himself is, however, the best repertory of
stories when it comes to the difficulties of that early
period, in connection with metering the current and
charging for it. He may be quoted at length as
follows: "When we started the station at Pearl
Street, in September, 1882, we were not very
commercial. We put many customers on, but did not
make out many bills. We were more interested in
the technical condition of the station than in the
commercial part. We had meters in which there
were two bottles of liquid. To prevent these electrolytes
from freezing we had in each meter a strip
of metal. When it got very cold the metal would
contract and close a circuit, and throw a lamp into
circuit inside the meter. The heat from this lamp
would prevent the liquid from freezing, so that the
meter could go on doing its duty. The first cold day
after starting the station, people began to come in
from their offices, especially down in Front Street
and Water Street, saying the meter was on fire. We
received numerous telephone messages about it.
Some had poured water on it, and others said: `Send
a man right up to put it out.'
"After the station had been running several months
and was technically a success, we began to look after
the financial part. We started to collect some bills;
but we found that our books were kept badly, and
that the person in charge, who was no business man,
had neglected that part of it. In fact, he did not
know anything about the station, anyway. So I got
the directors to permit me to hire a man to run the
station. This was Mr. Chinnock, who was then
superintendent of the Metropolitan Telephone Company
of New York. I knew Chinnock to be square and of
good business ability, and induced him to leave his
job. I made him a personal guarantee, that if he
would take hold of the station and put it on a
commercial basis, and pay 5 per cent. on $600,000, I
would give him $10,000 out of my own pocket. He
took hold, performed the feat, and I paid him the
$10,000. I might remark in this connection that
years afterward I applied to the Edison Electric
Light Company asking them if they would not like
to pay me this money, as it was spent when I was
very hard up and made the company a success, and
was the foundation of their present prosperity. They
said they `were sorry'--that is, `Wall Street sorry'--
and refused to pay it. This shows what a nice, genial,
generous lot of people they have over in Wall Street.
"Chinnock had a great deal of trouble getting the
customers straightened out. I remember one man
who had a saloon on Nassau Street. He had had his
lights burning for two or three months. It was in
June, and Chinnock put in a bill for $20; July for
$20; August about $28; September about $35. Of
course the nights were getting longer. October about
$40; November about $45. Then the man called
Chinnock up. He said: `I want to see you about
my electric-light bill.' Chinnock went up to see him.
He said: `Are you the manager of this electric-light
plant?' Chinnock said: `I have the honor.' `Well,'
he said, my bill has gone from $20 up to $28, $35,
$45. I want you to understand, young fellow, that
my limit is $60.'
"After Chinnock had had all this trouble due to
the incompetency of the previous superintendent, a
man came in and said to him: `Did Mr. Blank have
charge of this station?' `Yes.' `Did he know anything
about running a station like this?' Chinnock
said: `Does he KNOW anything about running a station
like this? No, sir. He doesn't even suspect anything.'
"One day Chinnock came to me and said: `I have
a new customer.' I said: `What is it?' He said:
`I have a fellow who is going to take two hundred
and fifty lights.' I said: `What for?' `He has a
place down here in a top loft, and has got two hundred
and fifty barrels of "rotgut" whiskey. He puts a
light down in the barrel and lights it up, and it ages
the whiskey.' I met Chinnock several weeks after,
and said: `How is the whiskey man getting along?'
`It's all right; he is paying his bill. It fixes the
whiskey and takes the shudder right out of it.' Somebody
went and took out a patent on this idea later.
"In the second year we put the Stock Exchange on
the circuits of the station, but were very fearful that
there would be a combination of heavy demand and
a dark day, and that there would be an overloaded
station. We had an index like a steam-gauge, called
an ampere-meter, to indicate the amount of current
going out. I was up at 65 Fifth Avenue one afternoon.
A sudden black cloud came up, and I telephoned
to Chinnock and asked him about the load.
He said: `We are up to the muzzle, and everything is
running all right.' By-and-by it became so thick we
could not see across the street. I telephoned again,
and felt something would happen, but fortunately it
did not. I said to Chinnock: `How is it now?' He
replied: `Everything is red-hot, and the ampere-
meter has made seventeen revolutions.' "
In 1883 no such fittings as "fixture insulators" were
known. It was the common practice to twine the
electric wires around the disused gas-fixtures, fasten
them with tape or string, and connect them to lamp-
sockets screwed into attachments under the gas-
burners--elaborated later into what was known as
the "combination fixture." As a result it was no
uncommon thing to see bright sparks snapping between
the chandelier and the lighting wires during
a sharp thunder-storm. A startling manifestation of
this kind happened at Sunbury, when the vivid display
drove nervous guests of the hotel out into the
street, and the providential storm led Mr. Luther
Stieringer to invent the "insulating joint." This
separated the two lighting systems thoroughly, went into
immediate service, and is universally used to-day.
Returning to the more specific subject of pioneer
plants of importance, that at Brockton must be considered
for a moment, chiefly for the reason that the
city was the first in the world to possess an Edison
station distributing current through an underground
three-wire network of conductors--the essentially
modern contemporaneous practice, standard twenty-
five years later. It was proposed to employ pole-line
construction with overhead wires, and a party of
Edison engineers drove about the town in an open
barouche with a blue-print of the circuits and streets
spread out on their knees, to determine how much
tree-trimming would be necessary. When they came
to some heavily shaded spots, the fine trees were
marked "T" to indicate that the work in getting
through them would be "tough." Where the trees
were sparse and the foliage was thin, the same cheerful
band of vandals marked the spots "E" to indicate
that there it would be "easy" to run the wires. In
those days public opinion was not so alive as now
to the desirability of preserving shade-trees, and of
enhancing the beauty of a city instead of destroying it.
Brockton had a good deal of pride in its fine trees,
and a strong sentiment was very soon aroused against
the mutilation proposed so thoughtlessly. The investors
in the enterprise were ready and anxious to
meet the extra cost of putting the wires underground.
Edison's own wishes were altogether for the use of
the methods he had so carefully devised; and hence
that bustling home of shoe manufacture was spared
this infliction of more overhead wires.
The station equipment at Brockton consisted at
first of three dynamos, one of which was so arranged
as to supply both sides of the system during light
loads by a breakdown switch connection. This
arrangement interfered with correct meter registra-
tion, as the meters on one side of the system registered
backward during the hours in which the combination
was employed. Hence, after supplying an all-night
customer whose lamps were on one side of the circuits,
the company might be found to owe him some
thing substantial in the morning. Soon after the
station went into operation this ingenious plan was
changed, and the third dynamo was replaced by two
others. The Edison construction department took
entire charge of the installation of the plant, and the
formal opening was attended on October 1, 1883, by
Mr. Edison, who then remained a week in ceaseless
study and consultation over the conditions developed
by this initial three-wire underground plant. Some
idea of the confidence inspired by the fame of Edison
at this period is shown by the fact that the first
theatre ever lighted from a central station by
incandescent lamps was designed this year, and opened in
1884 at Brockton with an equipment of three hundred
lamps. The theatre was never piped for gas! It was
also from the Brockton central station that current
was first supplied to a fire-engine house--another
display of remarkably early belief in the trustworthiness
of the service, under conditions where continuity
of lighting was vital. The building was equipped in
such a manner that the striking of the fire-alarm
would light every lamp in the house automatically
and liberate the horses. It was at this central station
that Lieutenant Sprague began his historic work on
the electric motor; and here that another distinguished
engineer and inventor, Mr. H. Ward Leonard,
installed the meters and became meter man, in order
that he might study in every intimate detail the
improvements and refinements necessary in that branch
of the industry.
The authors are indebted for these facts and some
other data embodied in this book to Mr. W. J. Jenks,
who as manager of this plant here made his debut in
the Edison ranks. He had been connected with local
telephone interests, but resigned to take active charge
of this plant, imbibing quickly the traditional Edison
spirit, working hard all day and sleeping in the station
at night on a cot brought there for that purpose. It
was a time of uninterrupted watchfulness. The difficulty
of obtaining engineers in those days to run the
high-speed engines (three hundred and fifty revolutions
per minute) is well illustrated by an amusing
incident in the very early history of the station. A
locomotive engineer had been engaged, as it was supposed
he would not be afraid of anything. One evening
there came a sudden flash of fire and a spluttering,
sizzling noise. There had been a short-circuit on
the copper mains in the station. The fireman hid
behind the boiler and the engineer jumped out of the
window. Mr. Sprague realized the trouble, quickly
threw off the current and stopped the engine.
Mr. Jenks relates another humorous incident in
connection with this plant: "One night I heard a
knock at the office door, and on opening it saw two
well-dressed ladies, who asked if they might be shown
through. I invited them in, taking them first to the
boiler-room, where I showed them the coal-pile, explaining
that this was used to generate steam in the
boiler. We then went to the dynamo-room, where
I pointed out the machines converting the steam-
power into electricity, appearing later in the form of
light in the lamps. After that they were shown the
meters by which the consumption of current was
measured. They appeared to be interested, and I
proceeded to enter upon a comparison of coal made
into gas or burned under a boiler to be converted
into electricity. The ladies thanked me effusively
and brought their visit to a close. As they were about
to go through the door, one of them turned to me
and said: `We have enjoyed this visit very much,
but there is one question we would like to ask: What
is it that you make here?' "
The Brockton station was for a long time a show
plant of the Edison company, and had many distinguished
visitors, among them being Prof. Elihu
Thomson, who was present at the opening, and Sir
W. H. Preece, of London. The engineering methods
pursued formed the basis of similar installations in
Lawrence, Massachusetts, in November, 1883; in
Fall River, Massachusetts, in December, 1883; and
in Newburgh, New York, the following spring.
Another important plant of this period deserves
special mention, as it was the pioneer in the lighting
of large spaces by incandescent lamps. This installation
of five thousand lamps on the three-wire system
was made to illuminate the buildings at the Louisville,
Kentucky, Exposition in 1883, and, owing to the careful
surveys, calculations, and preparations of H. M.
Byllesby and the late Luther Stieringer, was completed
and in operation within six weeks after
the placing of the order. The Jury of Awards,
in presenting four medals to the Edison company,
took occasion to pay a high compliment to the
efficiency of the system. It has been thought by
many that the magnificent success of this plant
did more to stimulate the growth of the incandescent
lighting business than any other event in
the history of the Edison company. It was literally
the beginning of the electrical illumination of American
Expositions, carried later to such splendid displays
as those of the Chicago World's Fair in 1893,
Buffalo in 1901, and St. Louis in 1904.
Thus the art was set going in the United States
under many difficulties, but with every sign of coming
triumph. Reference has already been made to
the work abroad in Paris and London. The first
permanent Edison station in Europe was that at
Milan, Italy, for which the order was given as early
as May, 1882, by an enterprising syndicate. Less
than a year later, March 3, 1883, the installation was
ready and was put in operation, the Theatre Santa
Radegonda having been pulled down and a new central-
station building erected in its place--probably
the first edifice constructed in Europe for the
specific purpose of incandescent lighting. Here
"Jumbos" were installed from time to time, until at
last there were no fewer than ten of them; and current
was furnished to customers with a total of nearly
ten thousand lamps connected to the mains. This
pioneer system was operated continuously until
February 9, 1900, or for a period of about seventeen
years, when the sturdy old machines, still in excellent
condition, were put out of service, so that a larger
plant could be installed to meet the demand. This
new plant takes high-tension polyphase current from
a water-power thirty or forty miles away at Paderno,
on the river Adda, flowing from the Apennines;
but delivers low-tension direct current for distribution
to the regular Edison three-wire system throughout
Milan.
About the same time that southern Europe was
thus opened up to the new system, South America
came into line, and the first Edison central station
there was installed at Santiago, Chile, in the summer of
1883, under the supervision of Mr. W. N. Stewart.
This was the result of the success obtained with small
isolated plants, leading to the formation of an Edison
company. It can readily be conceived that at such
an extreme distance from the source of supply of
apparatus the plant was subject to many peculiar
difficulties from the outset, of which Mr. Stewart
speaks as follows: "I made an exhibition of the
`Jumbo' in the theatre at Santiago, and on the first
evening, when it was filled with the aristocracy of the
city, I discovered to my horror that the binding wire
around the armature was slowly stripping off and
going to pieces. We had no means of boring out the
field magnets, and we cut grooves in them. I think
the machine is still running (1907). The station
went into operation soon after with an equipment of
eight Edison `K' dynamos with certain conditions
inimical to efficiency, but which have not hindered
the splendid expansion of the local system. With
those eight dynamos we had four belts between each
engine and the dynamo. The steam pressure was
limited to seventy-five pounds per square inch. We
had two-wire underground feeders, sent without any
plans or specifications for their installation. The
station had neither voltmeter nor ammeter. The
current pressure was regulated by a galvanometer.
We were using coal costing $12 a ton, and were paid
for our light in currency worth fifty cents on the
dollar. The only thing I can be proud of in connection
with the plant is the fact that I did not design
it, that once in a while we made out to pay its operating
expenses, and that occasionally we could run it
for three months without a total breakdown."
It was not until 1885 that the first Edison station
in Germany was established; but the art was still
very young, and the plant represented pioneer lighting
practice in the Empire. The station at Berlin
comprised five boilers, and six vertical steam-engines
driving by belts twelve Edison dynamos, each of
about fifty-five horse-power capacity. A model of
this station is preserved in the Deutschen Museum at
Munich. In the bulletin of the Berlin Electricity
Works for May, 1908, it is said with regard to the
events that led up to the creation of the system, as
noted already at the Rathenau celebration: "The
year 1881 was a mile-stone in the history of the Allgemeine
Elektricitaets Gesellschaft. The International
Electrical Exposition at Paris was intended to place
before the eyes of the civilized world the achievements
of the century. Among the exhibits of that
Exposition was the Edison system of incandescent
lighting. IT BECAME THE BASIS OF MODERN HEAVY CURRENT
TECHNICS." The last phrase is italicized as being a
happy and authoritative description, as well as a
tribute.
This chapter would not be complete if it failed to
include some reference to a few of the earlier isolated
plants of a historic character. Note has already been
made of the first Edison plants afloat on the Jeannette
and Columbia, and the first commercial plant in the
New York lithographic establishment. The first mill
plant was placed in the woollen factory of James
Harrison at Newburgh, New York, about September
15, 1881. A year later, Mr. Harrison wrote with some
pride: "I believe my mill was the first lighted with
your electric light, and therefore may be called No. 1.
Besides being job No. 1 it is a No. 1 job, and a No. 1
light, being better and cheaper than gas and absolutely
safe as to fire." The first steam-yacht lighted
by incandescent lamps was James Gordon Bennett's
Namouna, equipped early in 1882 with a plant for
one hundred and twenty lamps of eight candlepower,
which remained in use there many years
afterward.
The first Edison plant in a hotel was started in
October, 1881, at the Blue Mountain House in the
Adirondacks, and consisted of two "Z" dynamos
with a complement of eight and sixteen candle lamps.
The hotel is situated at an elevation of thirty-five
hundred feet above the sea, and was at that time
forty miles from the railroad. The machinery was
taken up in pieces on the backs of mules from the
foot of the mountain. The boilers were fired by wood,
as the economical transportation of coal was a physical
impossibility. For a six-hour run of the plant one-
quarter of a cord of wood was required, at a cost of
twenty-five cents per cord.
The first theatre in the United States to be lighted
by an Edison isolated plant was the Bijou Theatre,
Boston. The installation of boilers, engines, dynamos,
wiring, switches, fixtures, three stage regulators,
and six hundred and fifty lamps, was completed in
eleven days after receipt of the order, and the plant
was successfully operated at the opening of the
theatre, on December 12, 1882.
The first plant to be placed on a United States
steamship was the one consisting of an Edison "Z"
dynamo and one hundred and twenty eight-candle
lamps installed on the Fish Commission's steamer
Albatross in 1883. The most interesting feature of
this installation was the employment of special deep-
sea lamps, supplied with current through a cable
nine hundred and forty feet in length, for the purpose
of alluring fish. By means of the brilliancy of the
lamps marine animals in the lower depths were attracted
and then easily ensnared.
CHAPTER XVIII
THE ELECTRIC RAILWAY
EDISON had no sooner designed his dynamo in
1879 than he adopted the same form of machine
for use as a motor. The two are shown in the Scientific
American of October 18, 1879, and are alike, except
that the dynamo is vertical and the motor lies in a
horizontal position, the article remarking: "Its construction
differs but slightly from the electric generator."
This was but an evidence of his early appreciation
of the importance of electricity as a motive power;
but it will probably surprise many people to know
that he was the inventor of an electric motor before
he perfected his incandescent lamp. His interest in
the subject went back to his connection with General
Lefferts in the days of the evolution of the stock
ticker. While Edison was carrying on his shop at
Newark, New Jersey, there was considerable excitement
in electrical circles over the Payne motor, in
regard to the alleged performance of which Governor
Cornell of New York and other wealthy capitalists
were quite enthusiastic. Payne had a shop in Newark,
and in one small room was the motor, weighing perhaps
six hundred pounds. It was of circular form,
incased in iron, with the ends of several small magnets
sticking through the floor. A pulley and belt, con-
nected to a circular saw larger than the motor,
permitted large logs of oak timber to be sawed with ease
with the use of two small cells of battery. Edison's
friend, General Lefferts, had become excited and was
determined to invest a large sum of money in the
motor company, but knowing Edison's intimate
familiarity with all electrical subjects he was wise
enough to ask his young expert to go and see the
motor with him. At an appointed hour Edison went
to the office of the motor company and found there
the venerable Professor Morse, Governor Cornell,
General Lefferts, and many others who had been
invited to witness a performance of the motor. They
all proceeded to the room where the motor was at
work. Payne put a wire in the binding-post of the
battery, the motor started, and an assistant began
sawing a heavy oak log. It worked beautifully, and so
great was the power developed, apparently, from the
small battery, that Morse exclaimed: "I am thankful
that I have lived to see this day." But Edison
kept a close watch on the motor. The results were
so foreign to his experience that he knew there was
a trick in it. He soon discovered it. While holding
his hand on the frame of the motor he noticed a
tremble coincident with the exhaust of an engine
across the alleyway, and he then knew that the
power came from the engine by a belt under the floor,
shifted on and off by a magnet, the other magnets
being a blind. He whispered to the General to put
his hand on the frame of the motor, watch the
exhaust, and note the coincident tremor. The General
did so, and in about fifteen seconds he said: "Well,
Edison, I must go now. This thing is a fraud." And
thus he saved his money, although others not so
shrewdly advised were easily persuaded to invest by
such a demonstration.
A few years later, in 1878, Edison went to Wyoming
with a group of astronomers, to test his tasimeter during
an eclipse of the sun, and saw the land white to harvest.
He noticed the long hauls to market or elevator
that the farmers had to make with their loads of grain
at great expense, and conceived the idea that as ordinary
steam-railroad service was too costly, light
electric railways might be constructed that could
be operated automatically over simple tracks, the
propelling motors being controlled at various points.
Cheap to build and cheap to maintain, such roads would
be a great boon to the newer farming regions of the
West, where the highways were still of the crudest character,
and where transportation was the gravest difficulty
with which the settlers had to contend. The
plan seems to have haunted him, and he had no sooner
worked out a generator and motor that owing to their
low internal resistance could be operated efficiently,
than he turned his hand to the practical trial of such
a railroad, applicable to both the haulage of freight
and the transportation of passengers. Early in 1880,
when the tremendous rush of work involved in the
invention of the incandescent lamp intermitted a little,
he began the construction of a stretch of track
close to the Menlo Park laboratory, and at the same
time built an electric locomotive to operate over it.
This is a fitting stage at which to review briefly
what had been done in electric traction up to that
date. There was absolutely no art, but there had
been a number of sporadic and very interesting
experiments made. The honor of the first attempt of
any kind appears to rest with this country and with
Thomas Davenport, a self-trained blacksmith, of
Brandon, Vermont, who made a small model of a
circular electric railway and cars in 1834, and
exhibited it the following year in Springfield, Boston,
and other cities. Of course he depended upon
batteries for current, but the fundamental idea was
embodied of using the track for the circuit, one rail
being positive and the other negative, and the motor
being placed across or between them in multiple arc
to receive the current. Such are also practically the
methods of to-day. The little model was in good
preservation up to the year 1900, when, being shipped
to the Paris Exposition, it was lost, the steamer that
carried it foundering in mid-ocean. The very broad
patent taken out by this simple mechanic, so far
ahead of his times, was the first one issued in America
for an electric motor. Davenport was also the first
man to apply electric power to the printing-press,
in 1840. In his traction work he had a close second
in Robert Davidson, of Aberdeen, Scotland, who in
1839 operated both a lathe and a small locomotive
with the motor he had invented. His was the credit
of first actually carrying passengers--two at a time,
over a rough plank road--while it is said that his was
the first motor to be tried on real tracks, those of
the Edinburgh-Glasgow road, making a speed of four
miles an hour.
The curse of this work and of all that succeeded it
for a score of years was the necessity of depending
upon chemical batteries for current, the machine
usually being self-contained and hauling the batteries
along with itself, as in the case of the famous
Page experiments in April, 1851, when a speed of
nineteen miles an hour was attained on the line of
the Washington & Baltimore road. To this unfruitful
period belonged, however, the crude idea of taking
the current from a stationary source of power by
means of an overhead contact, which has found its
practical evolution in the modern ubiquitous trolley;
although the patent for this, based on his caveat of
1879, was granted several years later than that to
Stephen D. Field, for the combination of an electric
motor operated by means of a current from a stationary
dynamo or source of electricity conducted
through the rails. As a matter of fact, in 1856 and
again in 1875, George F. Green, a jobbing machinist,
of Kalamazoo, Michigan, built small cars and tracks
to which current was fed from a distant battery,
enough energy being utilized to haul one hundred
pounds of freight or one passenger up and down a
"road" two hundred feet long. All the work prior
to the development of the dynamo as a source of
current was sporadic and spasmodic, and cannot be
said to have left any trace on the art, though it
offered many suggestions as to operative methods.
The close of the same decade of the nineteenth
century that saw the electric light brought to perfection,
saw also the realization in practice of all the
hopes of fifty years as to electric traction. Both
utilizations depended upon the supply of current now
cheaply obtainable from the dynamo. These arts
were indeed twins, feeding at inexhaustible breasts.
In 1879, at the Berlin Exhibition, the distinguished
firm of Siemens, to whose ingenuity and enterprise
electrical development owes so much, installed a road
about one-third of a mile in length, over which the
locomotive hauled a train of three small cars at a
speed of about eight miles an hour, carrying some
twenty persons every trip. Current was fed from a
dynamo to the motor through a central third rail, the
two outer rails being joined together as the negative
or return circuit. Primitive but essentially successful,
this little road made a profound impression on the
minds of many inventors and engineers, and marked
the real beginning of the great new era, which has
already seen electricity applied to the operation of
main lines of trunk railways. But it is not to be supposed
that on the part of the public there was any
great amount of faith then discernible; and for some
years the pioneers had great difficulty, especially in
this country, in raising money for their early modest
experiments. Of the general conditions at this
moment Frank J. Sprague says in an article in the
Century Magazine of July, 1905, on the creation of
the new art: "Edison was perhaps nearer the verge
of great electric-railway possibilities than any other
American. In the face of much adverse criticism
he had developed the essentials of the low-internal-
resistance dynamo with high-resistance field, and
many of the essential features of multiple-arc
distribution, and in 1880 he built a small road at his
laboratory at Menlo Park."
On May 13th of the year named this interesting
road went into operation as the result of hard and
hurried work of preparation during the spring months.
The first track was about a third of a mile in length,
starting from the shops, following a country road, passing
around a hill at the rear and curving home, in the
general form of the letter "U." The rails were very
light. Charles T. Hughes, who went with Edison in
1879, and was in charge of much of the work, states
that they were "second" street-car rails, insulated
with tar canvas paper and things of that sort--
"asphalt." They were spiked down on ordinary
sleepers laid upon the natural grade, and the gauge
was about three feet six inches. At one point the
grade dropped some sixty feet in a distance of three
hundred, and the curves were of recklessly short
radius. The dynamos supplying current to the road
were originally two of the standard size "Z" machines
then being made at the laboratory, popularly known
throughout the Edison ranks as "Longwaisted Mary
Anns," and the circuits from these were carried out
to the rails by underground conductors. They were
not large--about twelve horse-power each--generating
seventy-five amperes of current at one hundred and
ten volts, so that not quite twenty-five horse-power
of electrical energy was available for propulsion.
The locomotive built while the roadbed was getting
ready was a four-wheeled iron truck, an ordinary flat
dump-car about six feet long and four feet wide,
upon which was mounted a "Z" dynamo used as a
motor, so that it had a capacity of about twelve
horsepower. This machine was laid on its side, with the
armature end coming out at the front of the
locomotive, and the motive power was applied to the
driving-axle by a cumbersome series of friction pulleys.
Each wheel of the locomotive had a metal rim
and a centre web of wood or papier-mache, and the
current picked up by one set of wheels was carried
through contact brushes and a brass hub to the
motor; the circuit back to the track, or other rail,
being closed through the other wheels in a similar
manner. The motor had its field-magnet circuit in
permanent connection as a shunt across the rails,
protected by a crude bare copper-wire safety-catch.
A switch in the armature circuit enabled the motorman
to reverse the direction of travel by reversing the
current flow through the armature coils.
Things went fairly well for a time on that memorable
Thursday afternoon, when all the laboratory
force made high holiday and scrambled for foothold
on the locomotive for a trip; but the friction gearing
was not equal to the sudden strain put upon it during
one run and went to pieces. Some years later, also,
Daft again tried friction gear in his historical experiments
on the Manhattan Elevated road, but the results
were attended with no greater success. The
next resort of Edison was to belts, the armature shafting
belted to a countershaft on the locomotive frame,
and the countershaft belted to a pulley on the car-
axle. The lever which threw the former friction gear
into adjustment was made to operate an idler pulley
for tightening the axle-belt. When the motor was
started, the armature was brought up to full revolution
and then the belt was tightened on the car-
axle, compelling motion of the locomotive. But the
belts were liable to slip a great deal in the process,
and the chafing of the belts charred them badly. If
that did not happen, and if the belt was made taut
suddenly, the armature burned out--which it did
with disconcerting frequency. The next step was to
use a number of resistance-boxes in series with the
armature, so that the locomotive could start with those
in circuit, and then the motorman could bring it up
to speed gradually by cutting one box out after the
other. To stop the locomotive, the armature circuit
was opened by the main switch, stopping the flow of
current, and then brakes were applied by long levers.
Matters generally and the motors in particular went
much better, even if the locomotive was so freely
festooned with resistance-boxes all of perceptible
weight and occupying much of the limited space.
These details show forcibly and typically the painful
steps of advance that every inventor in this new
field had to make in the effort to reach not alone
commercial practicability, but mechanical feasibility.
It was all empirical enough; but that was the only
way open even to the highest talent.
Smugglers landing laces and silks have been known
to wind them around their bodies, as being less
ostentatious than carrying them in a trunk. Edison
thought his resistance-boxes an equally superfluous
display, and therefore ingeniously wound some copper
resistance wire around one of the legs of the motor
field magnet, where it was out of the way, served as
a useful extra field coil in starting up the motor, and
dismissed most of the boxes back to the laboratory;
a few being retained under the seat for chance emergencies.
Like the boxes, this coil was in series with
the armature, and subject to plugging in and out at
will by the motorman. Thus equipped, the locomotive
was found quite satisfactory, and long did yeoman
service. It was given three cars to pull, one an
open awning-car with two park benches placed back to
back; one a flat freight-car, and one box-car dubbed
the "Pullman," with which Edison illustrated a system
of electric braking. Although work had been
begun so early in the year, and the road had been
operating since May, it was not until July that Edison
executed any application for patents on his
"electromagnetic railway engine," or his ingenious braking
system. Every inventor knows how largely his fate
lies in the hands of a competent and alert patent
attorney, in both the preparation and the prosecution
of his case; and Mr. Sprague is justified in observing
in his Century article: ""The paucity of controlling
claims obtained in these early patents is remarkable."
It is notorious that Edison did not then enjoy the
skilful aid in safeguarding his ideas that he commanded
later.
The daily newspapers and technical journals lost
no time in bringing the road to public attention, and
the New York Herald of June 25th was swift to suggest
that here was the locomotive that would be
"most pleasing to the average New Yorker, whose
head has ached with noise, whose eyes have been
filled with dust, or whose clothes have been ruined
with oil." A couple of days later, the Daily Graphic
illustrated and described the road and published a
sketch of a one-hundred-horse-power electric locomotive
for the use of the Pennsylvania Railroad between
Perth Amboy and Rahway. Visitors, of
course, were numerous, including many curious,
sceptical railroad managers, few if any of whom except
Villard could see the slightest use for the new
motive power. There is, perhaps, some excuse for
such indifference. No men in the world have more
new inventions brought to them than railroad managers,
and this was the rankest kind of novelty. It
was not, indeed, until a year later, in May, 1881, that
the first regular road collecting fares was put in
operation--a little stretch of one and a half miles
from Berlin to Lichterfelde, with one miniature motorcar.
Edison was in reality doing some heavy electric-
railway engineering, his apparatus full of ideas,
suggestions, prophecies; but to the operators of long
trunk lines it must have seemed utterly insignificant
and "excellent fooling."
Speaking of this situation, Mr. Edison says: "One
day Frank Thomson, the President of the Pennsylvania
Railroad, came out to see the electric light and
the electric railway in operation. The latter was then
about a mile long. He rode on it. At that time I
was getting out plans to make an electric locomotive
of three hundred horse-power with six-foot drivers,
with the idea of showing people that they could
dispense with their steam locomotives. Mr. Thomson
made the objection that it was impracticable, and
that it would be impossible to supplant steam. His
great experience and standing threw a wet blanket
on my hopes. But I thought he might perhaps be
mistaken, as there had been many such instances
on record. I continued to work on the plans, and
about three years later I started to build the locomotive
at the works at Goerck Street, and had it about
finished when I was switched off on some other work.
One of the reasons why I felt the electric railway to
be eminently practical was that Henry Villard, the
President of the Northern Pacific, said that one of
the greatest things that could be done would be to
build right-angle feeders into the wheat-fields of
Dakota and bring in the wheat to the main lines,
as the farmers then had to draw it from forty to
eighty miles. There was a point where it would not
pay to raise it at all; and large areas of the country
were thus of no value. I conceived the idea of building
a very light railroad of narrow gauge, and had
got all the data as to the winds on the plains, and
found that it would be possible with very large windmills
to supply enough power to drive those wheat
trains."
Among others who visited the little road at this
juncture were persons interested in the Manhattan
Elevated system of New York, on which experiments
were repeatedly tried later, but which was not destined
to adopt a method so obviously well suited to
all the conditions until after many successful
demonstrations had been made on elevated roads elsewhere.
It must be admitted that Mr. Edison was not very
profoundly impressed with the desire entertained in
that quarter to utilize any improvement, for he
remarks: "When the Elevated Railroad in New York,
up Sixth Avenue, was started there was a great
clamor about the noise, and injunctions were threatened.
The management engaged me to make a report
on the cause of the noise. I constructed an
instrument that would record the sound, and set out
to make a preliminary report, but I found that they
never intended to do anything but let the people
complain."
It was upon the co-operation of Villard that Edison
fell back, and an agreement was entered into between
them on September 14, 1881, which provided that the
latter would "build two and a half miles of electric
railway at Menlo Park, equipped with three cars,
two locomotives, one for freight, and one for
passengers, capacity of latter sixty miles an hour.
Capacity freight engine, ten tons net freight; cost
of handling a ton of freight per mile per horse-power
to be less than ordinary locomotive.... If experiments
are successful, Villard to pay actual outlay in
experiments, and to treat with the Light Company
for the installation of at least fifty miles of electric
railroad in the wheat regions." Mr. Edison is authority
for the statement that Mr. Villard advanced between
$35,000 and $40,000, and that the work done
was very satisfactory; but it did not end at that
time in any practical results, as the Northern Pacific
went into the hands of a receiver, and Mr. Villard's
ability to help was hopelessly crippled. The directors
of the Edison Electric Light Company could not be
induced to have anything to do with the electric
railway, and Mr. Insull states that the money advanced
was treated by Mr. Edison as a personal loan and repaid
to Mr. Villard, for whom he had a high admiration
and a strong feeling of attachment. Mr. Insull says:
"Among the financial men whose close personal
friendship Edison enjoyed, I would mention Henry
Villard, who, I think, had a higher appreciation of
the possibilities of the Edison system than probably
any other man of his time in Wall Street. He dropped
out of the business at the time of the consolidation
of the Thomson-Houston Company with the Edison
General Electric Company; but from the earliest days
of the business, when it was in its experimental period,
when the Edison light and power system was but an
idea, down to the day of his death, Henry Villard continued
a strong supporter not only with his influence,
but with his money. He was the first capitalist to
back individually Edison's experiments in electric
railways."
In speaking of his relationships with Mr. Villard at
this time, Edison says: "When Villard was all broken
down, and in a stupor caused by his disasters in
connection with the Northern Pacific, Mrs. Villard sent
for me to come and cheer him up. It was very difficult
to rouse him from his despair and apathy, but
I talked about the electric light to him, and its
development, and told him that it would help him win
it all back and put him in his former position. Villard
made his great rally; he made money out of the electric
light; and he got back control of the Northern
Pacific. Under no circumstances can a hustler be
kept down. If he is only square, he is bound to get
back on his feet. Villard has often been blamed and
severely criticised, but he was not the only one to
blame. His engineers had spent $20,000,000 too
much in building the road, and it was not his fault
if he found himself short of money, and at that time
unable to raise any more."
Villard maintained his intelligent interest in electric-
railway development, with regard to which Edison
remarks: "At one time Mr. Villard got the idea that
he would run the mountain division of the Northern
Pacific Railroad by electricity. He asked me if it
could be done. I said: `Certainly, it is too easy for
me to undertake; let some one else do it.' He said:
`I want you to tackle the problem,' and he insisted
on it. So I got up a scheme of a third rail and shoe
and erected it in my yard here in Orange. When I
got it all ready, he had all his division engineers come
on to New York, and they came over here. I showed
them my plans, and the unanimous decision of the
engineers was that it was absolutely and utterly
impracticable. That system is on the New York Central
now, and was also used on the New Haven road in its
first work with electricity."
At this point it may be well to cite some other
statements of Edison as to kindred work, with which
he has not usually been associated in the public mind.
"In the same manner I had worked out for the Manhattan
Elevated Railroad a system of electric trains,
and had the control of each car centred at one place
--multiple control. This was afterward worked out
and made practical by Frank Sprague. I got up a
slot contact for street railways, and have a patent on
it--a sliding contact in a slot. Edward Lauterbach
was connected with the Third Avenue Railroad in
New York--as counsel--and I told him he was mak-
ing a horrible mistake putting in the cable. I told
him to let the cable stand still and send electricity
through it, and he would not have to move hundreds
of tons of metal all the time. He would rue the day
when he put the cable in." It cannot be denied that
the prophecy was fulfilled, for the cable was the beginning
of the frightful financial collapse of the system,
and was torn out in a few years to make way for the
triumphant "trolley in the slot."
Incidental glimpses of this work are both amusing
and interesting. Hughes, who was working on the
experimental road with Mr. Edison, tells the following
story: "Villard sent J. C. Henderson, one of his
mechanical engineers, to see the road when it was in
operation, and we went down one day--Edison,
Henderson, and I--and went on the locomotive. Edison
ran it, and just after we started there was a
trestle sixty feet long and seven feet deep, and Edison
put on all the power. When we went over it we must
have been going forty miles an hour, and I could see
the perspiration come out on Henderson. After we
got over the trestle and started on down the track,
Henderson said: `When we go back I will walk. If
there is any more of that kind of running I won't be
in it myself.' " To the correspondence of Grosvenor
P. Lowrey we are indebted for a similar reminiscence,
under date of June 5, 1880: "Goddard and I have
spent a part of the day at Menlo, and all is glorious.
I have ridden at forty miles an hour on Mr. Edison's
electric railway--and we ran off the track. I protested
at the rate of speed over the sharp curves,
designed to show the power of the engine, but Edison
said they had done it often. Finally, when the last
trip was to be taken, I said I did not like it, but would
go along. The train jumped the track on a short
curve, throwing Kruesi, who was driving the engine,
with his face down in the dirt, and another man in a
comical somersault through some underbrush. Edison
was off in a minute, jumping and laughing, and
declaring it a most beautiful accident. Kruesi got
up, his face bleeding and a good deal shaken; and I
shall never forget the expression of voice and face
in which he said, with some foreign accent: `Oh!
yes, pairfeckly safe.' Fortunately no other hurts
were suffered, and in a few minutes we had the train
on the track and running again."
All this rough-and-ready dealing with grades and
curves was not mere horse-play, but had a serious purpose
underlying it, every trip having its record as to
some feature of defect or improvement. One particular
set of experiments relating to such work was
made on behalf of visitors from South America, and
were doubtless the first tests of the kind made for
that continent, where now many fine electric street
and interurban railway systems are in operation.
Mr. Edison himself supplies the following data:
"During the electric-railway experiments at Menlo
Park, we had a short spur of track up one of the
steep gullies. The experiment came about in this
way. Bogota, the capital of Columbia, is reached
on muleback--or was--from Honda on the headwaters
of the Magdalena River. There were parties
who wanted to know if transportation over the mule
route could not be done by electricity. They said the
grades were excessive, and it would cost too much to
do it with steam locomotives, even if they could
climb the grades. I said: `Well, it can't be much
more than 45 per cent.; we will try that first. If it
will do that it will do anything else.' I started at
45 per cent. I got up an electric locomotive with a
grip on the rail by which it went up the 45 per cent.
grade. Then they said the curves were very short.
I put the curves in. We started the locomotive with
nobody on it, and got up to twenty miles an hour,
taking those curves of very short radius; but it was
weeks before we could prevent it from running off.
We had to bank the tracks up to an angle of thirty
degrees before we could turn the curve and stay on.
These Spanish parties were perfectly satisfied we could
put in an electric railway from Honda to Bogota
successfully, and then they disappeared. I have never
seen them since. As usual, I paid for the experiment."
In the spring of 1883 the Electric Railway Company
of America was incorporated in the State of
New York with a capital of $2,000,000 to develop
the patents and inventions of Edison and Stephen
D. Field, to the latter of whom the practical work of
active development was confided, and in June of the
same year an exhibit was made at the Chicago Railway
Exposition, which attracted attention throughout
the country, and did much to stimulate the growing
interest in electric-railway work. With the aid
of Messrs. F. B. Rae, C. L. Healy, and C. O. Mailloux
a track and locomotive were constructed for the company
by Mr. Field and put in service in the gallery
of the main exhibition building. The track curved
sharply at either end on a radius of fifty-six feet, and
the length was about one-third of a mile. The locomotive
named "The Judge," after Justice Field, an
uncle of Stephen D. Field, took current from a central
rail between the two outer rails, that were the return
circuit, the contact being a rubbing wire brush on
each side of the "third rail," answering the same purpose
as the contact shoe of later date. The locomotive
weighed three tons, was twelve feet long, five
feet wide, and made a speed of nine miles an hour
with a trailer car for passengers. Starting on June
5th, when the exhibition closed on June 23d this tiny
but typical road had operated for over 118 hours, had
made over 446 miles, and had carried 26,805 passengers.
After the exposition closed the outfit was
taken during the same year to the exposition at
Louisville, Kentucky, where it was also successful,
carrying a large number of passengers. It deserves
note that at Chicago regular railway tickets were
issued to paying passengers, the first ever employed
on American electric railways.
With this modest but brilliant demonstration, to
which the illustrious names of Edison and Field were
attached, began the outburst of excitement over
electric railways, very much like the eras of speculation
and exploitation that attended only a few years
earlier the introduction of the telephone and the
electric light, but with such significant results that
the capitalization of electric roads in America is now
over $4,000,000,000, or twice as much as that of the
other two arts combined. There was a tremendous
rush into the electric-railway field after 1883, and an
outburst of inventive activity that has rarely, if ever,
been equalled. It is remarkable that, except Siemens,
no European achieved fame in this early work, while
from America the ideas and appliances of Edison,
Van Depoele, Sprague, Field, Daft, and Short have
been carried and adopted all over the world.
Mr. Edison was consulting electrician for the
Electric Railway Company, but neither a director
nor an executive officer. Just what the trouble was
as to the internal management of the corporation it
is hard to determine a quarter of a century later; but
it was equipped with all essential elements to dominate
an art in which after its first efforts it remained
practically supine and useless, while other interests
forged ahead and reaped both the profit and the glory.
Dissensions arose between the representatives of the
Field and Edison interests, and in April, 1890, the
Railway Company assigned its rights to the Edison
patents to the Edison General Electric Company,
recently formed by the consolidation of all the
branches of the Edison light, power, and manufacturing
industry under one management. The only
patent rights remaining to the Railway Company
were those under three Field patents, one of which,
with controlling claims, was put in suit June, 1890,
against the Jamaica & Brooklyn Road Company, a
customer of the Edison General Electric Company.
This was, to say the least, a curious and anomalous
situation. Voluminous records were made by both
parties to the suit, and in the spring of 1894 the case
was argued before the late Judge Townsend, who wrote
a long opinion dismissing the bill of complaint.[15] The
student will find therein a very complete and careful
study of the early electric-railway art. After this
decision was rendered, the Electric Railway Company
remained for several years in a moribund condition,
and on the last day of 1896 its property was placed
in the hands of a receiver. In February of 1897 the
receiver sold the three Field patents to their original
owner, and he in turn sold them to the Westinghouse
Electric and Manufacturing Company. The Railway
Company then went into voluntary dissolution, a sad
example of failure to seize the opportunity at the
psychological moment, and on the part of the inventor
to secure any adequate return for years of
effort and struggle in founding one of the great arts.
Neither of these men was squelched by such a calamitous
result, but if there were not something of bitterness
in their feelings as they survey what has come
of their work, they would not be human.
As a matter of fact, Edison retained a very lively
interest in electric-railway progress long after the
pregnant days at Menlo Park, one of the best evidences
of which is an article in the New York Electrical
Engineer of November 18, 1891, which describes
some important and original experiments in the direction
of adapting electrical conditions to the larger
cities. The overhead trolley had by that time begun
its victorious career, but there was intense hostility
displayed toward it in many places because of the
inevitable increase in the number of overhead wires,
which, carrying, as they did, a current of high voltage
and large quantity, were regarded as a menace to life
and property. Edison has always manifested a
strong objection to overhead wires in cities, and
urged placing them underground; and the outcry
against the overhead "deadly" trolley met with his
instant sympathy. His study of the problem brought
him to the development of the modern "substation,"
although the twists that later evolutions have given
the idea have left it scarcely recognizable.
[15] See 61 Fed. Rep. 655.
Mr. Villard, as President of the Edison General
Electric Company, requested Mr. Edison, as electrician
of the company, to devise a street-railway
system which should be applicable to the largest
cities where the use of the trolley would not be
permitted, where the slot conduit system would not be
used, and where, in general, the details of construction
should be reduced to the simplest form. The
limits imposed practically were such as to require that
the system should not cost more than a cable road to
install. Edison reverted to his ingenious lighting plan
of years earlier, and thus settled on a method by
which current should be conveyed from the power
plant at high potential to motor-generators placed
below the ground in close proximity to the rails.
These substations would convert the current received
at a pressure of, say, one thousand volts to one of
twenty volts available between rail and rail, with a
corresponding increase in the volume of the current.
With the utilization of heavy currents at low voltage
it became necessary, of course, to devise apparatus
which should be able to pick up with absolute certainty
one thousand amperes of current at this press-
ure through two inches of mud, if necessary. With
his wonted activity and fertility Edison set about
devising such a contact, and experimented with metal
wheels under all conditions of speed and track conditions.
It was several months before he could convey
one hundred amperes by means of such contacts,
but he worked out at last a satisfactory device which
was equal to the task. The next point was to secure a
joint between contiguous rails such as would permit of
the passage of several thousand amperes without
introducing undue resistance. This was also accomplished.
Objections were naturally made to rails out in the
open on the street surface carrying large currents at
a potential of twenty volts. It was said that vehicles
with iron wheels passing over the tracks and spanning
the two rails would short-circuit the current,
"chew" themselves up, and destroy the dynamos
generating the current by choking all that tremendous
amount of energy back into them. Edison tackled
the objection squarely and short-circuited his track
with such a vehicle, but succeeded in getting only
about two hundred amperes through the wheels, the
low voltage and the insulating properties of the axle-
grease being sufficient to account for such a result.
An iron bar was also used, polished, and with a man
standing on it to insure solid contact; but only one
thousand amperes passed through it--i.e., the amount
required by a single car, and, of course, much less than
the capacity of the generators able to operate a
system of several hundred cars.
Further interesting experiments showed that the
expected large leakage of current from the rails in
wet weather did not materialize. Edison found that
under the worst conditions with a wet and salted
track, at a potential difference of twenty volts
between the two rails, the extreme loss was only two
and one-half horse-power. In this respect the
phenomenon followed the same rule as that to which
telegraph wires are subject--namely, that the loss of
insulation is greater in damp, murky weather when
the insulators are covered with wet dust than during
heavy rains when the insulators are thoroughly
washed by the action of the water. In like manner
a heavy rain-storm cleaned the tracks from the
accumulations due chiefly to the droppings of the horses,
which otherwise served largely to increase the conductivity.
Of course, in dry weather the loss of current
was practically nothing, and, under ordinary
conditions, Edison held, his system was in respect to
leakage and the problems of electrolytic attack of
the current on adjacent pipes, etc., as fully insulated
as the standard trolley network of the day. The cost
of his system Mr. Edison placed at from $30,000 to
$100,000 per mile of double track, in accordance with
local conditions, and in this respect comparing very
favorably with the cable systems then so much in
favor for heavy traffic. All the arguments that could
be urged in support of this ingenious system are
tenable and logical at the present moment; but the
trolley had its way except on a few lines where the
conduit-and-shoe method was adopted; and in the
intervening years the volume of traffic created and
handled by electricity in centres of dense population
has brought into existence the modern subway.
But down to the moment of the preparation of this
biography, Edison has retained an active interest in
transportation problems, and his latest work has
been that of reviving the use of the storage battery
for street-car purposes. At one time there were a
number of storage-battery lines and cars in operation
in such cities as Washington, New York, Chicago,
and Boston; but the costs of operation and maintenance
were found to be inordinately high as compared
with those of the direct-supply methods, and the battery
cars all disappeared. The need for them under
many conditions remained, as, for example, in places
in Greater New York where the overhead trolley wires
are forbidden as objectionable, and where the ground
is too wet or too often submerged to permit of the
conduit with the slot. Some of the roads in Greater
New York have been anxious to secure such cars, and,
as usual, the most resourceful electrical engineer and
inventor of his times has made the effort. A special
experimental track has been laid at the Orange
laboratory, and a car equipped with the Edison storage
battery and other devices has been put under
severe and extended trial there and in New York.
Menlo Park, in ruin and decay, affords no traces of
the early Edison electric-railway work, but the crude
little locomotive built by Charles T. Hughes was rescued
from destruction, and has become the property of the
Pratt Institute, of Brooklyn, towhose thousands of
technical students it is a constant example and incentive.
It was loaned in 1904 to the Association of Edison
Illuminating Companies, and by it exhibited as part of the
historical Edison collection at the St. Louis Exposition.
EDISON
HIS LIFE AND INVENTIONS
CHAPTER XIX
MAGNETIC ORE MILLING WORK
DURING the Hudson-Fulton celebration of October,
1909, Burgomaster Van Leeuwen, of Amsterdam,
member of the delegation sent officially from
Holland to escort the Half Moon and participate in
the functions of the anniversary, paid a visit to the
Edison laboratory at Orange to see the inventor, who
may be regarded as pre-eminent among those of
Dutch descent in this country. Found, as usual, hard
at work--this time on his cement house, of which he
showed the iron molds--Edison took occasion to remark
that if he had achieved anything worth while,
it was due to the obstinacy and pertinacity he had
inherited from his forefathers. To which it may be
added that not less equally have the nature of
inheritance and the quality of atavism been exhibited
in his extraordinary predilection for the miller's art.
While those Batavian ancestors on the low shores of
the Zuyder Zee devoted their energies to grinding grain,
he has been not less assiduous than they in reducing
the rocks of the earth itself to flour.
Although this phase of Mr. Edison's diverse activities
is not as generally known to the world as many
others of a more popular character, the milling of
low-grade auriferous ores and the magnetic separation
of iron ores have been subjects of engrossing
interest and study to him for many years. Indeed,
his comparatively unknown enterprise of separating
magnetically and putting into commercial form low-
grade iron ore, as carried on at Edison, New Jersey,
proved to be the most colossal experiment that he
has ever made.
If a person qualified to judge were asked to answer
categorically as to whether or not that enterprise
was a failure, he could truthfully answer both yes
and no. Yes, in that circumstances over which Mr.
Edison had no control compelled the shutting down
of the plant at the very moment of success; and no,
in that the mechanically successful and commercially
practical results obtained, after the exercise of
stupendous efforts and the expenditure of a fortune, are
so conclusive that they must inevitably be the reliance
of many future iron-masters. In other words, Mr.
Edison was at least a quarter of a century ahead of
the times in the work now to be considered.
Before proceeding to a specific description of this
remarkable enterprise, however, let us glance at an
early experiment in separating magnetic iron sands
on the Atlantic sea-shore: "Some years ago I heard
one day that down at Quogue, Long Island, there
were immense deposits of black magnetic sand. This
would be very valuable if the iron could be separated
from the sand. So I went down to Quogue with one
of my assistants and saw there for miles large beds
of black sand on the beach in layers from one to six
inches thick--hundreds of thousands of tons. My
first thought was that it would be a very easy matter
to concentrate this, and I found I could sell the stuff
at a good price. I put up a small plant, but just as
I got it started a tremendous storm came up, and
every bit of that black sand went out to sea. During
the twenty-eight years that have intervened it has
never come back." This incident was really the prelude
to the development set forth in this chapter.
In the early eighties Edison became familiar with
the fact that the Eastern steel trade was suffering
a disastrous change, and that business was slowly
drifting westward, chiefly by reason of the discovery
and opening up of enormous deposits of high-grade
iron ore in the upper peninsula of Michigan. This
ore could be excavated very cheaply by means of
improved mining facilities, and transported at low
cost to lake ports. Hence the iron and steel mills
east of the Alleghanies--compelled to rely on limited
local deposits of Bessemer ore, and upon foreign ores
which were constantly rising in value--began to sustain
a serious competition with Western mills, even
in Eastern markets.
Long before this situation arose, it had been recognized
by Eastern iron-masters that sooner or later the
deposits of high-grade ore would be exhausted, and,
in consequence, there would ensue a compelling necessity
to fall back on the low-grade magnetic ores.
For many years it had been a much-discussed question
how to make these ores available for transporta-
tion to distant furnaces. To pay railroad charges on
ores carrying perhaps 80 to 90 per cent. of useless
material would be prohibitive. Hence the elimination
of the worthless "gangue" by concentration of
the iron particles associated with it, seemed to be
the only solution of the problem.
Many attempts had been made in by-gone days to
concentrate the iron in such ores by water processes,
but with only a partial degree of success. The
impossibility of obtaining a uniform concentrate was a
most serious objection, had there not indeed been
other difficulties which rendered this method commercially
impracticable. It is quite natural, therefore,
that the idea of magnetic separation should have
occurred to many inventors. Thus we find numerous
instances throughout the last century of experiments
along this line; and particularly in the last
forty or fifty years, during which various attempts
have been made by others than Edison to perfect
magnetic separation and bring it up to something
like commercial practice. At the time he took up
the matter, however, no one seems to have realized
the full meaning of the tremendous problems involved.
From 1880 to 1885, while still very busy in the
development of his electric-light system, Edison found
opportunity to plan crushing and separating machinery.
His first patent on the subject was applied
for and issued early in 1880. He decided, after
mature deliberation, that the magnetic separation of
low-grade ores on a colossal scale at a low cost was
the only practical way of supplying the furnaceman
with a high quality of iron ore. It was his opinion
that it was cheaper to quarry and concentrate lean
ore in a big way than to attempt to mine, under adverse
circumstances, limited bodies of high-grade ore.
He appreciated fully the serious nature of the gigantic
questions involved; and his plans were laid
with a view to exercising the utmost economy in the
design and operation of the plant in which he
contemplated the automatic handling of many thousands
of tons of material daily. It may be stated as broadly
true that Edison engineered to handle immense
masses of stuff automatically, while his predecessors
aimed chiefly at close separation.
Reduced to its barest, crudest terms, the proposition
of magnetic separation is simplicity itself. A
piece of the ore (magnetite) may be reduced to powder
and the ore particles separated therefrom by the
help of a simple hand magnet. To elucidate the basic
principle of Edison's method, let the crushed ore fall
in a thin stream past such a magnet. The magnetic
particles are attracted out of the straight line of the
falling stream, and being heavy, gravitate inwardly
and fall to one side of a partition placed below. The
non-magnetic gangue descends in a straight line to
the other side of the partition. Thus a complete
separation is effected.
Simple though the principle appears, it was in its
application to vast masses of material and in the
solving of great engineering problems connected
therewith that Edison's originality made itself manifest
in the concentrating works that he established
in New Jersey, early in the nineties. Not only did he
develop thoroughly the refining of the crushed ore, so
that after it had passed the four hundred and eighty
magnets in the mill, the concentrates came out finally
containing 91 to 93 per cent. of iron oxide, but he
also devised collateral machinery, methods and processes
all fundamental in their nature. These are
too numerous to specify in detail, as they extended
throughout the various ramifications of the plant, but
the principal ones are worthy of mention, such as:
The giant rolls (for crushing).
Intermediate rolls.
Three-high rolls.
Giant cranes (215 feet long span).
Vertical dryer.
Belt conveyors.
Air separation.
Mechanical separation of phosphorus.
Briquetting.
That Mr. Edison's work was appreciated at the
time is made evident by the following extract from
an article describing the Edison plant, published in
The Iron Age of October 28, 1897; in which, after
mentioning his struggle with adverse conditions, it
says: "There is very little that is showy, from the
popular point of view, in the gigantic work which
Mr. Edison has done during these years, but to those
who are capable of grasping the difficulties encountered,
Mr. Edison appears in the new light of a brilliant
constructing engineer grappling with technical
and commercial problems of the highest order. His
genius as an inventor is revealed in many details of
the great concentrating plant.... But to our mind,
originality of the highest type as a constructor and
designer appears in the bold way in which he sweeps
aside accepted practice in this particular field and
attains results not hitherto approached. He pursues
methods in ore-dressing at which those who are
trained in the usual practice may well stand aghast.
But considering the special features of the problems
to be solved, his methods will be accepted as those
economically wise and expedient."